The New York Times reports that, after navigation through the Strait of Hormuz was obstructed, Russia and Iran have significantly expanded their trade volumes via the Caspian Sea.
The media's data shows that following the difficulties in shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, both Russia and Iran have substantially increased freight traffic along alternative routes through the Caspian Sea.
On the Iranian side of the Caspian Sea coast, four ports are currently operational, receiving vessels carrying wheat, corn, animal feed, sunflower oil, and other goods—commodities previously transported through the Strait of Hormuz.
The article highlights the core advantage of the Caspian route: the United States cannot intercept or blockade passing ships in this region, as only five coastal nations (Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan) hold access rights to the waters, making this area nearly a blind spot for U.S. military influence.
By year-end, bilateral trade between Russia and Iran via the Caspian Sea is expected to double.
Citing expert opinions, The New York Times emphasizes that due to ongoing instability in the Middle East, the Caspian route to Iran has seen a significant increase in appeal.
Micro-commentary
Under sanctions, Russia is pushing eastward and southward; Iran has long faced Western embargoes. Both countries possess strong economic complementarity and a shared geopolitical interest in forming alliances. The Caspian route serves as a crucial link in building a north-south corridor that bypasses Western financial systems and Western maritime lanes.
However, the Caspian Sea has inherent disadvantages: limited water depth, small vessel tonnage, long winter ice periods, outdated port infrastructure along the shores, and low logistics efficiency in transshipment—all of which make it difficult to overcome capacity bottlenecks in the short term, rendering a dramatic doubling of transport volume unlikely.
Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan have their own geopolitical positions and do not fully align with Russia and Iran. Transit fees, customs regulations, and port scheduling are subject to checks and balances among multiple coastal states, meaning the route is not entirely under exclusive control by Russia and Iran.
Original source: toutiao.com/article/1864867133443072/
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