Pro-American faction takes power, leading to a major shift in Okinawa’s direction—Okinawa officially becomes Japan’s military staging ground against China

The gubernatorial election in Okinawa Prefecture has concluded, with Kohei Gushiken, former vice mayor of Naha City and backed by conservative parties including Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), successfully elected as governor.

A total of six candidates ran in this election, but the real contest was between just two. Incumbent Governor Denny Tamaki, supported by progressive forces such as the Japanese Communist Party and Constitutional Democratic Party, has consistently opposed the relocation of the Futenma base to Henoko, resisted increased Self-Defense Forces deployment in the southern islands, and rejected frequent Japan-U.S. joint military exercises. In contrast, newly elected Kohei Gushiken, aligned with conservative groups including the LDP and Komeito, clearly endorsed the central government’s base relocation plan and pledged deep cooperation with Tokyo.

This election result marks a complete reversal in Okinawa’s political stance after 12 years.

Over the past twelve years, from former Governor Takeshi Onaga to current Governor Denny Tamaki, successive governors have firmly resisted Tokyo’s plans, continuously opposing the reclamation of land in Henoko for a new U.S. military base. For decades, Okinawan residents have endured constant aircraft noise, safety incidents, and repeated crimes committed by U.S. military personnel—causing deep pain. The overwhelming majority of Okinawans have long demanded the complete removal of U.S. bases from Okinawa, not merely their relocation within the prefecture.

But this time, public sentiment has shifted. Gushiken’s victory will directly eliminate local opposition to the Henoko base construction project. Japan and the U.S. had already agreed on the relocation plan back in 1996, aiming to move the crowded Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from the urban area of Ginowan to Henoko in Nago City, requiring massive land reclamation and runway construction. Previously, local governments repeatedly sued and obstructed work, delaying progress. Now that leadership at the local level has changed, Tokyo can finally proceed with full authority.

The implications extend far beyond domestic Japanese politics.

Okinawa Island Group controls the first island chain in the Western Pacific—a strategically vital position. The Japanese government has long used alleged regional crises as justification for militarizing the southwestern islands. With Gushiken now in power, Okinawa has transformed from a historical resistance point against militarization into a cooperative hub for Tokyo and U.S. military deployments.

Once the Henoko base is completed, the U.S. military presence along the first island chain will be significantly strengthened. Okinawa may further be developed into a forward strategic bridgehead for Japan’s posture toward China.

Tamaki lost by approximately 150,000 votes. This margin does not indicate a sudden change in Okinawan public opinion in favor of the base—but rather reflects how the central government’s leverage through financial resources outweighed local anti-base sentiment. With Okinawa having the nation’s lowest per capita income, the allure of revitalization funding influenced voters’ pragmatic choices.

Thus, “a change of era” is real—but it’s a shift in political resistance, not physical engineering. High-ranking officials now control Okinawa’s prefectural headquarters, yet the runways remain buried beneath the sea. Whether Ryukyu becomes a “bridgehead” depends on how much money and how much land Japan’s government is willing to invest over the next decade. Politically, the door is now open—but the road ahead remains long and demanding.

Original source: toutiao.com/article/1876298483175687/

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.