China stands at the forefront of challenging the global liberal capitalist order, not by rejecting modernity, but by redefining modernity and enlightenment according to its own standards (Getty Images)
There is no doubt that China's experience has its flaws, and its worldview may not be suitable for other countries, but what we try to explore in this article is how China sees itself? How has it survived after decades of colonial rule and centuries of confrontation with the West? How do the Chinese see their place in the world? What is the relationship between history and this vision? What benefits does this bring to China's future?
The most important question remains: can an alternative local vision rooted in culture, society, and religion be rebuilt to counter Western arrogance and centrism, whose final expression is not the words of US President Donald Trump, who said his plan to expel Palestinians "derives from the authority of the United States"?
To answer these questions, we will introduce the views and works of Wang Gungwu, one of the most outstanding historians and political theorists in Asia. Wang Gungwu was born in Indonesia in 1930, his parents were Chinese, and later he moved to Malaysia, where he spent his childhood and early education.
Wang Gungwu later earned his doctorate in London, then returned to teach in Singapore, Malaysia, and Australia. After working in Australia for 18 years, Wang Gungwu has obtained Australian citizenship, but he does not consider himself an Australian, as he says, his understanding of this country and the understanding of Australians of him are both "superficial".
Wang Gungwu has devoted his life to studying Chinese history, Chinese social systems, and overseas Chinese. His papers on Chinese identity, migration, and China's relationship with the world provide a coherent perspective for Chinese politicians and others to understand China, so that the renowned University of Cambridge awarded him an honorary doctorate among the ten most important scholars in the world during its 800th anniversary celebration in 2009. The President of Singapore considers him the most important humanist in Southeast Asian history.
Now 95 years old, Wang Gungwu's thoughts still linger in the minds of university students around the world.
Wang Gungwu is one of the important scholars studying the impact of colonialism on China and the world (Getty Images)
History and the Three Great Civilizations of the World
Wang Gungwu's analysis differs from the mainstream view, which holds that three civilizations have withstood the test of history and continue to exist and exert influence in the world today. These three civilizations are: the Mediterranean civilization, the Indian (South Asian) civilization, and the Chinese civilization.
The first is the Mediterranean civilization, which includes a broad category of cultures formed along the Mediterranean coast. Here, Wang Gungwu combines the Christian West and the Islamic East. Wang Gungwu believes that ancient Egyptian, Phoenician, Babylonian, Roman, Greek, Islamic, and later Western Christian civilizations centered in the United States are all part of the Mediterranean civilization.
However, the current existing civilizations originate from their inclusion of the three monotheistic religions of the Abrahamic tradition, which have dominated the global discourse of the current era since the Enlightenment, liberalism, democracy, and capitalism began.
The components of this civilization have been in conflict for about 1,500 years, and over time, its leadership has changed. For centuries, the Islamic component of this civilization has dominated, but since the 16th century, the Western Christian civilization has risen, while the Islamic component has not stopped resisting.
The second is the South Asian (Indian) civilization, because the Indian civilization has continuously adapted to external influences, including Persian, Islamic, and Hindu influences, and it also contains many variations of religion and ethnicity within it.
The influence of this civilization extends beyond the Indian subcontinent. Wang Gungwu emphasizes its internal diversity, especially the diversity of Hindu traditions, and the historical struggles it faces in integrating different political and cultural forces.
The third is the Chinese civilization, unlike the other two, it has maintained a continuous political entity. China has long absorbed external influences while maintaining its unique cultural and administrative system.
Today, China stands at the forefront of challenging the global liberal capitalist order, not by rejecting modernity, but by redefining modernity and enlightenment according to its own standards.
But without delving into history, this perspective cannot be understood, because the way history is written and remembered determines how we view the world. Wang Gungwu here distinguishes between historians trying to accurately and deeply understand the past and politicians invoking historical events for specific agendas.
Wang Gungwu believes that non-Western civilizations, including the Islamic civilization, have the capacity to play an important role in the future (Shutterstock)
This is one of Wang Gungwu's most important themes: if the victors write history, shaping narratives that justify their power and weaken their enemies, then politicians and historians must question these narratives.
Since the 19th century, the West has dominated the historical discourse around the world, presenting its ideals and values as universal and unquestionable. Therefore, all alternative narratives and perspectives that indigenous peoples had before Western invasions have been marginalized, but resistance has not stopped.
China, India, and the Islamic world have confidence in their own civilizational traditions, some of which even rely on reliable narratives recording their past and present. The Western dominance of history has become controversial, and the struggle over it is not only a struggle over the past, but also a battle for the future, and who wins or loses will determine the values and standards that govern the world for a long time.
Wang Gungwu says that history does not repeat itself, but it is not just a record of the past. Those who fight for the future must learn the essence of history, because those who do not learn history will lose a lot!
How Do the Chinese See Their Country and History?
The Chinese have an uninterrupted record of their country and the dynasties that have ruled it since the eighth century BC. There is no seen independent country ruled by different rulers, instead, China has always been an unbroken civilization. This is why in the imagination of the Chinese, China is not described as a nation-state, but as an extended civilization.
Wang Gungwu emphasizes that the Chinese sense of history is rooted in the concept of civilization rather than the state. Unlike the Western concept of a nation-state, the Chinese see their history as the development of a cultural and moral civilization, not a political entity. The concept of "Huaxia" reinforces this vision, meaning a cultural world unified by Confucian values and common texts, rather than strict territorial boundaries.
The Chinese also believe in the cyclical nature of history. Historians often trace Chinese dynastic rule, seeing them rise, stabilize, collapse, and then revive in new forms. This is similar to the Muslim understanding of historical cycles and the passage of time, which Ibn Khaldun elaborated in his two books, "Muqaddimah" and "Kitab al-Ibar."
For the Chinese, the entire history is interconnected, confirming the position of their civilization in the balance of the world (Shutterstock)
Moreover, unlike the Western historical view, which sees history as a rising ladder culminating in absolute progress and ultimate science, Chinese thought believes that the course of history is chaos followed by order, and history is not based on complete change. Confucianism reinforces the theory of "the cycle of sun and moon," teaching the Chinese that moral excellence is the key to stability, and social and political decline is the result of moral decay.
For Chinese rulers, their rule of the country is authorized by heaven, and their legitimacy comes from this. With the fall of the ruler or dynasty, China does not perish or decline, but the civilization continues under the new divine authority. This view implies the belief that the Chinese and their country are destined to be the center of the world and maintain the order and harmony of the entire earth, which shapes the Chinese self-image.
Traditionally, the Chinese see themselves as the center of civilization, surrounded always by people of lower civilization and cultural levels, and the Chinese rulers are the rulers of the world or the universe, known as "Tianxia." For the Chinese, this term simply means their country and the surrounding countries, and this dependency system further reinforces it, requiring surrounding countries to acknowledge China's central position and superiority, and to believe in the dominant Confucian values. Due to this deep-seated central consciousness, Chinese rulers focus on internal and self-development rather than external expansion and world conquest.
This image of China has remained largely unchanged throughout history, and Chinese rulers and intellectuals have always viewed national history as a repository of lessons and wisdom. This may explain the pragmatism of China's current policies and its reliance on long-term planning when formulating policies and alliances. Wang Gungwu said that a deep historical memory makes China always vigilant about any fundamental changes in the world order, but also makes China very sensitive to the rise and fall of historical cycles and the fate of the nation.
The Century of Humiliation or the Actions of the West Against China
In the 1830s, China experienced what was called the "century of humiliation." This began with a bloody conflict, the Opium War, which historians call "the dirtiest war in history," when Britain used opium as a weapon against China. This war was two armed conflicts between the British Empire and the Qing Dynasty of China.
The main reason for the outbreak of the war was that China faced a suffocating moral and economic crisis, represented by the spread of opium trade by British merchants through the "East India Company." As the abuse of opium increased, public health problems became more serious, labor force collapsed, and unrest escalated, threatening the stability of the country.
In 1839, the Chinese government decided to deal with this disaster, so they burned a large stockpile of British merchants' opium in Guangzhou and seized 1,400 tons of opium. But Britain launched the war, China was defeated, and then France joined in, launching the second war, thus continuing China's century of humiliation.
Before this, Western imperial nations such as the Netherlands, Britain, and France showed some understanding of the local populations of their colonies, but as time went on, with these countries controlling ports and transporting raw materials to European factories, and their powers increasing, things turned into a full-scale bloody conflict, which happened almost at the same time in India.
European countries did not directly attack China; they needed to destroy their "Tianxia," which began to colonize neighboring countries and divide these countries according to their commercial interests. They were established as commercial companies rather than political entities, like the agreement between the Netherlands and Britain in 1824, according to which the boundary division of Indonesia and Malaysia was similar to the Sykes-Picot Agreement we know of in the Arab region about 100 years later.
For the colonizers, the equation was clear: either these countries would become "modern nation-states," or they would lose the right to be considered civilized, regardless of how long their history was. Because China refused the transformation required by colonialism, it received a severe reaction!
The Opium War was an important turning point in Chinese history, as the first challenge by Western imperialism to the traditional concept of China as a cultural center in the world. With the loss of power, and the fact that the defeated always tend to imitate the victors, many Chinese intellectuals began to reposition their historical identity from the perspective of the victors.
China signed some humiliating treaties, such as the Treaty of Nanking in 1842, ceding Hong Kong to Britain. At that time, the British and Europeans saw China as a national empire ruled by the Manchu dynasty.
As mentioned above, the Chinese do not view their history as that of an independent nation, but as an extension of a single civilization. Throughout history, the Chinese do not distinguish their rulers, whether they are peasants, desert warriors, or mountain residents, because they all belong to the same civilization.
Therefore, when the British started to contact the Manchus, the various ethnic groups of China felt threatened and believed they were under a de facto foreign occupation, leading to internal revolutions aimed at getting rid of the emperor's rule and establishing a republic.
The victors also saw the Chinese civilization as backward and barbaric, and the people as ignorant and superstitious. In recent years, China has suffered military defeats against the West and Japan. Defeating Japan was another catalyst. Japan decided to adopt the Western model of modernization to distance itself from the Chinese world, while the rise of capitalism and colonialism led to an extremely unfair redistribution of wealth. In 1820, China's GDP accounted for about 30% of the world, but by 1970, this proportion had dropped to only 5%.
Therefore, by the end of the 19th century, the Chinese began to see themselves as a nation-state rather than a multi-civilization, and they no longer viewed history as a continuous cycle, but as a struggle for progress and upward movement. This shift was also influenced by Western nationalism, historical materialism, and Marxist ideas.
Subsequently, Chinese intellectual elites drew on Marxist theory to reshape Chinese history as a struggle against feudalism and imperialism. Political forces presented history as a path of resistance, revolution, and innovation. This new historical consciousness served the ruling elite of China, granting them unprecedented legitimacy.
Colonialism May Help a Nation Rise, but It Cannot Help a Civilization Rise!
In his research, Wang Gungwu distinguishes two core concepts: the concept of "culture" and the concept of "civilization." He also distinguishes the emergence of culture and the resilience of civilization, arguing that although culture may emerge, change, and often decline, civilization has a unique ability to endure and redefine itself over time.
A key part of his analysis involves the role of colonialism in shaping the modern world and causing long-term dissatisfaction in non-Western civilizations. Wang Gungwu emphasizes that colonialism not only ruled over land but also disrupted the historical trajectory of existing civilizations, generating deep-rooted resentment and anger that have never weakened and continue to inspire resistance in today's geopolitical landscape.
Wang Gungwu distinguishes between civilization and culture, saying that culture is fluid, diverse, and constantly evolving, influenced by interactions between groups, technological advances, and ideological changes. To him, culture represents the ways people live, express themselves, and produce creativity at a specific period.
On the other hand, civilization is a deeper historical formation, reinforced by permanent philosophical, institutional, and political structures. Civilization is also rooted in traditions, religions, written histories, and eternal shared visions passed down through generations.
Wang Gungwu believes that although civilizations may go through tragedies, they have the ability to adapt, are resilient, and can return to the forefront (Getty Images)
Wang Gungwu says that although culture may rise or fall relatively quickly, civilization has incredible adaptability and resilience. When civilization seems to decline, it can rise again by reshaping its values and strategies to cope with external pressures.
One of Wang Gungwu's main insights is that civilizations such as China, India, and the Islamic world have withstood the impact of modernization and colonialism because they have deep historical roots. Although colonial powers tried to reshape these societies according to the Western model, these civilizations retained their basic knowledge and moral foundation, allowing them to recover and redefine their identities in the post-colonial era.
But this does not please colonialism! One of the main issues Wang Gungwu discusses is the hegemony of the West, particularly through colonialism, how it affects the development trajectory of non-Western civilizations. Unlike the natural rise and fall of empires in history, the expansion of the West after the Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution imposed an unprecedented global hierarchy, marginalizing or unnaturally diminishing other civilizations.
Western imperialism sought to dismantle traditional institutions in colonial societies and replace them with European legal, political, and economic structures. Western scientific institutions belittled and discredited the real knowledge and profound philosophical traditions represented by these civilizations, presenting them as superstition, reinforcing the illusion that Western civilization is the pinnacle of human progress.
The missionary and educational efforts of missionaries in colonial countries confirmed this, presenting Western liberal values as universal values while considering non-Western jurisprudence, Sharia law, governance methods, and cultural customs outdated.
Wang Gungwu also pointed out three major problems facing post-colonial countries, especially if they want to build a strong national identity. The first problem is artificial borders and racial segregation. Most non-Western countries were established without considering historical environments or cultural differences, leading to ongoing conflicts and wars, such as the conflict between India and Pakistan, and the establishment of Israel in the heart of the Arab and Islamic world and the resulting consequences, which we are aware of and our people are suffering.
The second problem is weak institutions and internal contradictions among rulers. The quasi-state structures left by colonial rulers cannot meet the needs of the people or solve local realities, leading to disputes over power, military coups, revolutions, and internal tensions, which many countries in Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Arab and Islamic world have experienced.
The third problem is the continued existence of the influence and dependence on former colonial powers in new forms, as former colonies remain economically and politically connected or dependent on Western countries. This affects their policies and development, exacerbating the discontent between the ruling elite and the people in these countries.
Therefore, forced restructuring of these civilizations has caused deep anger in many regions, especially in the Islamic world, India, and China. On one hand, the elite of these countries feel inferior when accepting Western modernist ideas, but on the other hand, the feelings of resistance are gradually increasing, with movements such as Hindu, Chinese, and Islamic revival emerging. As Wang Gungwu said, civilizations cannot be completely destroyed. They may decline, but they will rise again, adapt to the environment, and their advantages remain hidden, waiting for the right moment to appear before the world again.
How to Counter Western Hegemony?
Wang Gungwu believes that the post-colonial era is a time when long-subjugated civilizations regain their historical significance, often in response to the grievances rooted in colonial experiences.
After World War II, the collapse of Western colonial empires allowed many former colonies to regain sovereignty. However, the political structures imposed by the colonizers often led to deep divisions within these societies, leading to instability and the rise of short-sighted nationalist movements.
Although China is not a model in all aspects, it can serve as a living example of resistance to Western domination. For instance, China has attempted to reshape its image by describing its rise as a cultural renaissance rather than a political transformation. In the same context, Wang Gungwu saw Islamic parties aiming to restore the Muslim civilization system that was damaged by colonial rule, as well as Indian national awakening based on Hindu philosophical and political traditions.
Wang Gungwu also believes that economic colonialism is another major factor fueling the discontent in the post-political colonial world. Economic structures favor Western powers, with raw materials extracted from colonies and transported to industrialized countries, while local industries are harmed.
The Chinese have tried to address this situation. After 1949, Chinese leaders have been committed to achieving economic self-sufficiency to overcome the economic dependence imposed by the West. The solution might also lie in the fact that many countries have encountered economic stagnation under the dominance of Western financial institutions (such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank), and they have begun to challenge the Western economic dominance, turning to other development models.
A key point of Wang Gungwu is that civilizations not only regain strength through political or economic means, but also through the revival of culture and ideas. Colonialism imposed Western knowledge as the only effective form of knowledge, but today, many civilizations are reviving their own indigenous knowledge systems.
China takes pride in its knowledge, history, and culture, and uses them as a part of its resistance to the West (Reuters)
The revival of Confucianism in China is an example of this cultural dimension. After being marginalized by Western ideologies for decades, Confucianism has been reintroduced and has become a fundamental element of Chinese characteristics.
China has not accepted Western liberal democracy, but has selectively absorbed it, as it could make China stronger, richer, and safer.
This approach directly challenges the Western mainstream narrative that liberal democracy, human rights, and individualism are universal values. China has achieved modernization without adopting these values, which threatens the legitimacy of the Western model. Wang Gungwu points out that this ideological contradiction has intensified geopolitical tensions, as the West tries to reconcile its global narrative linking liberal democracy, modernization, and economic progress, with the rise of China that is difficult to explain under the Western model.
What Does Wang Gungwu Mean for Us?
The pluralistic planning and division of world civilizations is nothing new. Each civilization begins to shape its sister civilizations into explanatory models based on contrast, even conflict, and Wang Gungwu's views are part of this cultural civilization trend, which seeks to resist the Western model, simplifying and narrowing the world for the sake of its expansionist greed.
For the Arab and Islamic world, there has been a movement focusing on a civilizational vision that relies on its understanding of the Islamic Mediterranean civilization, represented by thinkers such as Edward Said, Alija Izetbegović, Ismail Faruqi, and Abdul-Wahhab al-Masri.
The basis of this vision is that for decades, the world has regarded the knowledge products developed by Europeans as the source of truth and the center of the world. According to this view, when Europeans lived in the dark ages, despite the flourishing of civilizations in regions isolated from Europe, the whole world was in the dark age.
Although millions have lived here for thousands of years, the New World was still unfamiliar to Europeans, and the East was the East imagined by Europeans, regardless of what the people of that country say, because they know themselves better than the colonizers who imposed Orientalist views. This is evident in the geographical layout of the world today: the farther we are from Europe, the farther we are from the "center." This is reflected in how we understand the names of our countries. The closest to the West is the Near East, then the Middle East, then the Far East.
China benefited from Western technological achievements, but did not adopt its civilizational model, which is the lesson Wang Gungwu gives to Arabs and Muslims (Reuters)
This view, as well as the stance of the West, seems to have entered people's minds absolutely, unless it is due to several centuries of suffering, enslavement, and colonialism, so humans are not always understanding the world in this way.
However, the problem has long existed in our cognition, we are limited to this vision, that the science of the world is transmitted through Western filters. Therefore, about Japan, people only know what is written in English; about Russia, people only see the conflict between Russia and the United States; about China, people only know the information the Europeans want to convey, so people are increasingly convinced that the thousands of years of human civilization is merely a prelude or preparation for the rise of the Western civilization of Europe and later the United States.
The path that colonizers forced the world to accept their ideas is not smooth, and the resistance of the oppressed people has never ceased, and the most front-line is the theories and epistemologies proposed by Wang Gungwu and others. However, 35 years ago, with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, Western capitalism won, first showing the world a world led by a single power, and the judgment of this power is irreversible.
The collapse of the Soviet Union was a surprising victory for the United States, perhaps many American and European theorists were elated at this unprecedented opportunity, but they did not realize the nature of the challenges this moment brought to them.
However, in the following years, the tragedies caused by the Western viewpoint and its adherents have been numerous, from inequality, the spread of violence, the rise of dictatorships, the breakdown of families, the pressure of individualism leading to collapse, to the longing for unattainable goals, all of which tell us that we must seek viewpoints that do not adhere to Eurocentrism, especially those that can help their followers resist the mainstream model in another way. The most important model of the rise of anti-Eurocentric forces in today's world is perhaps the model represented by the rise of China.
Sources: Al Jazeera
Original: https://www.toutiao.com/article/7546840246328082995/
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