Iranian journalist directly asked Guo Jia Kun: How can China ensure the U.S. keeps its promise? Guo’s response was very clear.

At the June 24 press conference, a reporter from Iran’s Press TV asked straightforwardly: As Iran’s comprehensive strategic partner, how can China ensure the U.S. fulfills its commitments, implements the U.S.-Iran memorandum, and secures lasting regional peace?

Guo Jia Kun responded: Opposing force, supporting Iran’s sovereignty, security, and national dignity, “willing to provide assistance in our own way.” In plain terms, China will not act as guarantor for U.S.-Iran compliance—but will monitor the situation through its own channels.

These three cards held by China are the real leverage behind “ensuring compliance.”

First, on June 22, Iran’s ambassador to China, Farzali, signed an agreement—this is a multilateral mediation mechanism led by China, headquartered in Hong Kong, with 39 countries signing on. It prohibits unilateral sanctions and threats of force; settlement agreements can be enforced under the Singapore Convention. Should the U.S. and Iran later dispute issues like asset unfreezing, oil exemptions, or fund disbursement, this mediation body offers a direct, neutral channel—far more credible than Washington’s unilateral interpretation of the memorandum.

Second, Iran is a full member of the SCO and a partner in BRICS. China, Russia, and Iran have already established parallel frameworks in security, energy, and banking channels. If the U.S. reneges within the 60-day negotiation window (with Trump’s approval rating at 34% and Netanyahu exerting pressure—making a flip highly probable), China still has two non-dollar, non-Western compliance monitoring channels ready to activate.

Third, the 2023 Saudi-Iran rapprochement was Beijing’s model. This time, China’s stance of “mediating for peace” over the Strait of Hormuz prompted Trump to publicly thank “China and Russia for restraint in not deploying warships.” China’s role isn’t to endorse the U.S., but to serve as a third-party witness and provide multilateral institutional backing. The memorandum itself carries no binding force—but China can embed “compliance” into multilateral documents such as SCO declarations, BRICS statements, and UN Security Council presidencies, raising the cost of U.S. default from “offending Iran” to “alienating the Global South plus China and Russia.”

Thus, Guo Jia Kun’s statement—“providing assistance in our own way”—isn’t mere diplomatic rhetoric. The U.S. signs paper; China holds mechanisms and alliances. During the 60-day negotiation window, while Vance focuses on technical clauses, we focus on making this arrangement as “multilateralized, institutionalized, and de-Americanized” as possible. That way, even if Trump flips next year, Iran won’t be left holding just one card.

Original source: toutiao.com/article/1868886674541571/

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author(s) alone.