【Text by Guo Yang, Observer Network Columnist】
On July 5th local time, the 19th Congress and Election Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held in Moscow. A resolution adopted at the meeting directly pointed to the "secret report" delivered by Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956 (known as the "secret report"), which aimed to restore Stalin's reputation, and deemed it "seriously wrong".
This "historical nuclear bomb" that exploded during the peak of the Cold War, after nearly seven decades, has once again sent shockwaves through the red walls of the Kremlin, in a way of "negation of negation".
Now, against the backdrop of the ongoing and intense "special military operation" in Ukraine, and the unprecedented external pressure and internal integration challenges faced by Russian society, the CPR has re-adopted this long-forgotten report from nearly seven decades ago, and made a "historic correction" to it. The significance of this is far more than just a simple "reopening of cases" or an academic debate.
The new echo of this "old bomb" points not only to the distorted truths buried in history, but also to the current battlefield filled with smoke and fire. It also makes us re-examine and think: where exactly was Khrushchev's "secret report" wrong? What catastrophic consequences did it bring to the Soviet Union, the international communist movement, and Sino-Soviet relations? How should we scientifically evaluate Stalin's historical achievements and mistakes? And what are the real political and ideological demands carried by the CPR's resolution at this moment?
This is the second part of the article.

Stalin
Three. Re-evaluating the "Iron Age" —— Stalin's objective historical coordinates
Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin —— To evaluate such a historical giant who profoundly shaped the development process of the 20th century, we must neither fall into the abyss of total denial as Khrushchev did, nor slide into the mire of blind worship without acknowledging errors. Only by placing him in his specific, extremely severe and complex historical context, using the "telescope" and "microscope" of historical materialism, can we outline a realistic historical image. The Chinese Communist Party's objective, dialectical, and historical evaluation principle —— that Stalin's life was "a mix of merits and faults, with merits outweighing faults" — undoubtedly provides us with a "compass" to navigate through historical fog.
(I) Historical Materialist Positioning: "Steel" Forged in Specific Environments
Evaluating Stalin must first understand the historical stage he faced —— a newborn Soviet regime that was economically and culturally backward, on the verge of collapse, born in the "weakest link of imperialism" (Stalin took de facto control after Lenin's death in 1924); an environment that was hostile, surrounded, and blockaded by the Western capitalist world, constantly facing the threat of annihilation (the threat of fascism came closer until the outbreak of war); a mission of unprecedented magnitude —— the difficult experiment of exploring the construction of socialism in a backward country. It was these harsh conditions that shaped the characteristics of the "iron age" in the Stalin era: highly centralized, emphasizing national mobilization, survival laws taking precedence over people's livelihood, and a strong wartime flavor.
In such a harsh historical context, the great achievements achieved under Stalin's leadership constitute the main and decisive aspects of his historical coordinates:
1. The founder of socialist industrialization: forging the backbone of a strong nation
Facing the life-or-death test of whether socialism would be built or destroyed, Stalin pushed forward the first Five-Year Plan in 1928, establishing a catch-up industrialization strategy focusing on the development of heavy industry and defense industry.
This strategy created miracles in the history of world industry within a decade. The Soviet Union transformed from a backward agricultural country into the second largest industrial power in the world (industrial output value increased by seven times from 1913 to 1937). It established a complete heavy industry system: explosive growth in steel, coal, oil, and electricity production (for example, pig iron production increased from 3.3 million tons in 1928 to 15 million tons in 1940; electricity generation increased from 5 billion kilowatt-hours in 1928 to 48 billion kilowatt-hours in 1940). It developed world-leading military industry, laying a key material foundation for the upcoming life-and-death battle, such as the development and mass production capabilities of iconic weapons like the T-34 tank, Katyusha rocket launcher, and Il-2 attack aircraft, directly originating from this period's industrial layout.
This silent war not only equipped the Soviet Union with the material strength to survive in the future war, but also forged the backbone of its superpower status for decades. Without Stalin's iron-fisted industrialization, the survival of socialism would have been problematic, let alone its later global status.

Soviet Industrialization in the 1930s
2. The Supreme Commander of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War: Hero Who Turned the Tide
On June 22, 1941, Nazi Germany and its allies launched the largest invasion in human history, codenamed Operation Barbarossa. In the early stages of the war, the Red Army suffered heavy losses, large areas of territory were lost, and the country was in dire danger.
But Stalin quickly assumed the role of supreme commander in the face of extreme difficulties. His strategic determination, resource allocation, and coordination abilities in decisive battles such as Moscow, Stalingrad, and Kursk were crucial for the Red Army to transition from defeat to stalemate and then to counterattack (although specific battle commands were often executed by the General Staff, such as Zhukov and Vasilevsky, Stalin, as the final decision-maker, occupied a central position).
He led the most magnificent wartime mobilization in history, transforming the entire country's industry (the Ural and Siberian rear bases), agriculture, and manpower into a massive war machine. His indomitable will became a symbol of inspiration for the entire nation's military and civilian population.
After paying the huge price of 27 million military and civilian casualties (latest historical research indicates that this number is approaching consensus), the Red Army, under Stalin's leadership, not only expelled the fascist invaders from the country, but also liberated Central and Eastern Europe, captured Berlin, and finally crushed Nazi Germany.
As the supreme commander during the war and the symbol of the victory in the Great Patriotic War, Stalin made an irreplaceable and decisive contribution to the victory of the world's anti-fascist war and the prevention of human civilization from falling into fascist subjugation. This achievement transcends any party ideology, and is recognized as a great achievement in world history.
3. Defender and Consolidator of the Socialist System: The Unshakable Shield Against the "Wolf Pack"
At the beginning of the establishment of the Soviet Union and during Stalin's era, the survival environment was extremely dangerous: externally, there were armed interventions, espionage infiltration, and diplomatic isolation by imperialist countries; internally, there were resistance from old forces (such as rich peasants), counter-revolutionary rebellions, fierce challenges from opponents like Trotsky, separatist activities in regions such as Ukraine, and sharp power struggles within the party.
In this severe environment, Stalin used powerful measures to ensure the survival of the Soviet regime amidst the storm. Although his purges committed serious errors of excessive expansion, it cannot be denied that they objectively thwarted some attempts to undermine the Soviet regime from within and outside. He led the establishment of a highly centralized and unified political and economic system (later known as the "Stalin model"), which, under specific historical conditions, became an effective tool for consolidating national strength and responding to crises (although its long-term drawbacks were significant). Dealing with treasonous acts during the war (such as the "Russian Liberation Army" led by Vlasov) and separatist tendencies immediately after the war, he took strict measures (such as forced relocation of ethnic groups like the Chechens, which, although serious errors, reflected his logic of maintaining national unity).
To evaluate this point, it must be acknowledged that Stalin, under the harsh struggle environment, consolidated the foundational existence of the socialist system, allowing it to endure for several decades and providing a complete, observable model for the practice of socialist ideas, although this model itself had serious flaws. Without this shield, the Soviet regime might have already perished.
4. Symbol and Promoter of the International Communist Movement: The Pivot of World Revolution
During the Stalin era, the Soviet Union, as the first and strongest socialist country, was the core of the international communist movement without question. Stalin himself was regarded as the inheritor and practitioner of the cause of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and was a symbolic flag for all communists and progressive forces around the world. During the Stalin era, the Comintern (although tightly controlled) played a core role in guiding and organizing the world communist movement (especially in the 1930s' anti-fascist popular front movements and the early post-war period).
After World War II, the Soviet Union also provided decisive support for the establishment of socialist countries in Eastern Europe (politically and militarily), greatly expanding the socialist camp. Its critical assistance to the establishment and initial construction of the People's Republic of China (such as the "156 projects" of industrial aid) was also significant. Regarding the national liberation movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America (such as Vietnam and North Korea's anti-French and anti-American struggles in the early post-war period), the Soviet Union also provided moral and material support (despite its own extreme difficulties).
Although the policies of the Soviet Union under Stalin's leadership towards brother parties and countries had problems of great-power chauvinism and excessive control, its position as the central fortress and rear base of the world revolution during a specific historical stage played a significant role in promoting the international communist movement and the global anti-imperialist and anti-colonial struggle.
(II) Must Acknowledge the Historical Errors
Adhering to the principle of historical materialism evaluation means that we must also honestly acknowledge the serious mistakes made by Stalin, which caused great pain to the Soviet people and the international communist movement.
Firstly, the purges were the deepest tragedy of the Stalin era. A large-scale cleansing occurred in the party, the army, and the social elite, with many innocent people being accused of being "enemies of the people" and executed or exiled, seriously destroying the rule of law, undermining talent, distorting social relationships, and causing irreversible trauma;
Later in his rule, the power of the party and state was concentrated in the hands of an individual, decisions were often based on personal will or suspicion, lacking necessary supervision and checks and balances, seriously undermining collective leadership and intra-party democracy, and laying the groundwork for erroneous decisions;
During the implementation of high-speed agricultural collectivization, too much administrative coercion and violence were used, harming the interests of farmers (especially the wealthy peasants "rich peasants"), dampening the enthusiasm for agricultural production, and exacerbating social contradictions (for example, the severe famine in major grain-producing areas such as Ukraine and the Volga River region in 1932-1933, whose causes were complex, but policy mistakes could not be avoided);
During the war, the forced displacement of certain ethnic minorities (such as the Chechens, Ingush, and Tatars) was based on simple attribution of some members' betrayal, violating the principle of ethnic equality, and causing deep-seated ethnic wounds and historical issues;
Regarding the policies toward brother parties and countries, there was a tendency of imposing models and intervening excessively, damaging the internal equality and unity of the international communist movement (for example, expelling Yugoslavia from the Information Bureau in 1948).
(III) The Scientificity and Wisdom of the Chinese Evaluation
It is precisely on the basis of a profound understanding of Stalin's complex historical contributions and major mistakes that the Communist Party of China has demonstrated its unparalleled theoretical firmness and historical evaluation wisdom.
After 1956, Mao Zedong pointed out multiple times that "the achievements of Stalin were primary, and the mistakes were secondary." He vividly summarized it as "three parts merit and seven parts fault."
In a series of important documents mentioned earlier, such as "On the Historical Experience of the Proletarian Dictatorship," "The Second Discussion on the Historical Experience of the Proletarian Dictatorship," and "Nine Comments on the Open Letter of the Central Committee of the CPSU" (especially the second comment), the CPC systematically discussed the scientific evaluation of Stalin: affirming that he was "a great Marxist-Leninist," "a great proletarian revolutionary," and that "his main aspects were correct"; while clearly criticizing his "serious errors in a series of issues" and deeply pointing out that these errors stemmed from subjective idealism in ideological understanding and detachment from the masses.
We believe that the most essential methodological principle in viewing this issue is: "We should view Stalin with a historical perspective," and "make a comprehensive and appropriate analysis of his correct and incorrect aspects," resolutely opposing "total affirmation" or "total negation."
This stance transcends ideological emotions and embodies the purest historical materialist principle. Adhering to this objective evaluation stance has enabled the Communist Party of China to successfully avoid the ideological collapse and social confusion caused by the negation of history in the Soviet Union. We have safeguarded the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism, maintained the precious assets of the international communist movement in terms of ideology, and more importantly, cleared historical cognitive obstacles for the Communist Party of China to explore a path of revolution and construction that conforms to its national conditions, whether it was the arduous exploration of the first thirty years or the great leap of reform and opening up. This is a glorious manifestation of the Communist Party of China's theoretical maturity and political firmness, and an important ideological premise for its ability to lead the Chinese people to achieve historic achievements.
Only by historically, comprehensively, dialectically, and objectively understanding this complex historical coordinate of Stalin can we truly understand the practical considerations behind the Russian Communist Party's revision of the historical resolution, as well as the full meaning of this dialogue between history and reality.

December 21, 1949, Mao Zedong attended the celebration of Stalin's 70th birthday
Four. Learning from the Present —— Behind the "Rehabilitation" of the CPR Resolution: History, War, and National Rebuilding
The CPR's resolution is not an ivory tower historical study, but rather deeply embedded in the severe realities currently faced by Russia. Under the background of the prolonged and tense "special military operation" in Ukraine, the tightening of Western sanctions, and the urgent need for domestic social cohesion, this resolution aiming to "denounce Khrushchev and re-evaluate Stalin" pulses with a strong sense of current political momentum, carrying multiple deep and pressing strategic intentions.
(I) Forge Historical and Moral Foundations for the "Special Military Operation"
The Ukraine conflict has gone beyond the scope of military confrontation, evolving into a comprehensive war involving historical narratives, national identity, and ideological legitimacy. The CPR's resolution, released at this moment, aims to build a deeper historical legitimacy and moral support for Russia's actions.
Deconstructing the "historical legitimacy" of Ukrainian independence: One of the key foundations for the current Ukrainian official and nationalist forces in constructing their independent statehood and anti-Russian narrative is to portray the Soviet period (especially the Stalin era) as "colonial oppression" or even "ethnic genocide" (such as over-politicized interpretations of the famine of 1932-1933). This narrative positions Ukraine as a historical victim, giving its independence and pro-Western shift the aura of "liberation" and "returning to the right path."
The CPR's resolution directly targets this anti-Russian narrative, pointing out that the historical nihilism initiated by Khrushchev is the source. The resolution's logic is that Khrushchev's distortion and negation of Stalin and Soviet history provided the initial "theoretical ammunition" and operational space for Ukrainian nationalists to systematically sever the shared history between Russia and Ukraine and demonize the Soviet Union (equivalent to Russia). Re-evaluating Stalin and affirming his central leadership in the anti-fascist war and the maintenance of Soviet national unity aims to fundamentally refute the "victim history view" of Ukraine, arguing that the deep connection between Russia and Ukraine in history, culture, and destiny is inseparable, thereby denying the "historical legitimacy" of Ukraine's independence (especially the current anti-Russian and pro-Western model).
Criticizing the "decommunization" that gives rise to extreme nationalism: The resolution directs its criticism towards the historical nihilism wave triggered by Khrushchev's report. This wave was later exploited by Ukraine after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, developing into a complete "decommunization" movement. This movement not only toppled statues of Lenin, but also elevated extreme nationalist organizations that had collaborated with the Nazis in history (such as Stepan Bandera's "Ukrainian Nationalist Organization OUN" and its armed force "Ukrainian Insurgent Army UPA") to the status of "national heroes."
The CPR's resolution attempts to reveal that it was the denial of history initiated by Khrushchev, and the subsequent indulgence during Gorbachev's period, that provided the soil for the resurgence and officialization of this extreme nationalist ideology.
The current veneration of Bandera figures in Ukraine and their actions in the eastern region (accused by the Russian side of "Nazification") are seen as the "poison fruit" of Khrushchev's historical error in the contemporary era. Criticizing Khrushchev aims to expose the ideological roots of the current anti-Russian government in Ukraine as having "historical retrogression" and "fascist tendencies," thereby providing a deeper historical justification for the "de-Nazification" of the "special military operation."
Providing a "victory flag" for spiritual mobilization: At a time when the war is dragging on, casualties are increasing, and the economy is under pressure, the Russian society urgently needs strong spiritual cohesion. Stalin, as the supreme commander who led the Soviet Union to win the most brutal war in human history —— the "Great Patriotic War," is the ultimate symbol of "victory," "tenacity," and "national strength."
Re-evaluating Stalin, especially highlighting his decisive role in the Great Patriotic War, is intended to awaken the people's memory of that glorious victory and national pride, transforming it into a spiritual motivation to support the current military operation. In the face of Western propaganda depicting Russia as an "aggressor" and "heir to the evil empire," raising the "flag of victory" of Stalin is a powerful weapon to counter Western public opinion warfare and boost domestic morale and confidence.
(II) Coping with Domestic Ideological Vacuum and Social Integration Challenges
More than three decades after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia has never been able to construct a new ideology and national identity that is widely accepted and has strong cohesion. The CPR's resolution is also an attempt to fill this vacuum and participate in social integration.
Competing for historical interpretation rights and "strong nation legacy": Although the Putin administration promotes conservatism, patriotism, and Orthodox Christian values, and tries to integrate some elements of the Soviet era (such as the extreme reverence for the victory of the Great Patriotic War), its official ideology has a clear pragmatic characteristic, and generally maintains a cautious and selective attitude towards the Stalin era.
As the largest opposition party in parliament, the CPR has keenly sensed the nostalgia of some citizens (especially the older generation) for the Soviet period (especially the strong national power displayed in the Stalin era), as well as the social demand for clear historical coordinates and spiritual belonging. By strongly re-evaluating Stalin and criticizing Khrushchev, the CPR attempts to compete for the interpretation rights of Soviet history (especially its "strong nation legacy"), positioning itself as the legitimate heir and guardian of the glorious history of the Soviet Union, thus consolidating and expanding its social base and enhancing its political influence.
Providing an alternative spiritual refuge: Facing the economic difficulties caused by Western sanctions and the uncertainty of the future, some Russians may seek comfort from memories of the strong period of the Soviet era. Although the Stalin era is full of controversy, the national will, collective strength, and indomitable spirit in the face of adversity still have appeal for certain groups.
The CPR's move aims to provide those dissatisfied with the current situation and uncertain about the future with a spiritual refuge different from the current dilemma, albeit with a selective memory.
Critical historical metaphor of current difficulties: The CPR's criticism of Khrushchev's "shaking the foundation of the country" and "disintegrating unity" can be interpreted as a metaphorical critique of the social division, decline of national strength, and Western penetration experienced by Russia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. By clearing up the historical "errors" of Khrushchev, the CPR is indirectly expressing dissatisfaction with certain aspects of Russia's development path over the past few decades and promoting its own political solutions.

December 21, 2016, Russian citizens held an event in Moscow to commemorate the 137th anniversary of Stalin's birth.
(III) Serving as a "Theoretical Weapon" for the Ideological Struggle Against Ukraine
The resolution itself is an important offensive in the ideological battlefield of Russia and the CPR in the Ukraine conflict.
Firstly, it directly deconstructs the anti-Russian historical narrative of Ukraine. As mentioned earlier, one of the core logical chains of the resolution is to trace the current anti-Russian nationalism of Ukraine directly back to Khrushchev's historical nihilism. This provides Russia with a historical depth theoretical weapon to criticize the Ukrainian regime and its ideological foundation.
Secondly, it strengthens the "brother nations" narrative. By affirming the common sacrifices and victories under Stalin's leadership in the anti-fascist war, it emphasizes the glorious achievements created by Russia and Ukraine (and other former Soviet nations) as a unified country, aiming to strengthen the "historical brother nations" narrative, weaken the "centuries-old enmity" argument constructed by Ukrainian nationalism, and serve the goal of undermining the enemy's combat will and winning the hearts and minds of the Russian-speaking areas in the east.
Therefore, the CPR's nineteenth congress resolution is far more than a mere historical academic "reopening of cases." It is an attempt by Russia, at a crossroads of deep geopolitical crisis and serious national identity challenges, to retrieve the highly symbolic and controversial figure of "Stalin" from the dust of history, forging it into a tool serving multiple practical goals: providing moral justification and spiritual motivation for the war, seeking historical identity and ideological support for domestic integration, and creating a theoretical weapon for the struggle against Ukraine.
This is a "second front" opened in the historical battlefield, whose success or failure not only concerns the evaluation of the past, but will also profoundly affect Russia's present and future fate. This real-world game around historical symbols will eventually be tested by time, but it undoubtedly clearly illustrates that: history is always a deep battlefield of politics and ideology.
Conclusion: The Struggle of Historical Perspectives and the Revelation of the Path
The campaign sparked by the nineteenth congress of the CPR, which has unearthed a half-century-old "historical reopening," extends far beyond the evaluation of an old report, but penetrates through time and space, reflecting a deep struggle concerning the rise and fall of the nation and the choice of the path —— how to evaluate historical leaders, how to deal with their own struggle process, and how to draw lessons from history to create a future. The core of this struggle is the confrontation between two completely different historical views and their derived political lines.
Testing the Experience of History: Two Paths, Two Outcomes
The "secret report" of the 20th Congress of the CPSU represents a fragmented, nihilistic, and metaphysical historical view. It simplifies the complex, difficult, and glorious historical process into a total negation of an individual; it attributes the problems accumulated in the operation of the system and the errors generated in the severe environment entirely to the so-called "moral guilt" of the leader; it fabricates facts and stirs up emotions for short-term political purposes and the establishment of personal authority.
This seemingly "revolutionary" self-negation is actually the self-destruction of historical foundations, the collapse of the tower of faith, and the self-destruction of national identity. Its serious consequences, we have already witnessed: the CPSU gradually lost its moral high ground and the legitimacy of governance, society fell into long-term confusion and self-doubt, the international communist movement suffered irreparable internal injuries, and ultimately converged into the dark current leading to the historical tragedy of the Soviet Union's collapse. Khrushchev's report not only failed to correctly summarize history to innovate and move forward, but also became the beginning of its self-destruction.
Facing the same historical question, the Communist Party of China has shown a completely different historical, dialectical, and materialist historical view. The CPC clearly pointed out: "We should view Stalin with a historical perspective," making a "comprehensive and appropriate analysis" of his merits and faults, firmly opposing "a single stroke" or blind adoration.
Comrade Mao Zedong's concise summary of "three parts merit and seven parts fault" profoundly embodies this position: affirming Stalin's great achievements as a great Marxist-Leninist, a builder of socialism, and a commander in the anti-fascist war (main aspects), while not concealing his serious mistakes, and analyzing these mistakes from the historical environment and ideological root causes.
This objective and scientific attitude of not cutting off history, not denying the mainstream, and not avoiding problems has enabled the Communist Party of China to successfully avoid the ideological collapse and social confusion of the Soviet Union. It has safeguarded the continuity and legitimacy of the party's struggle history, maintained the truthfulness of the basic principles of Marxism, and more importantly, laid a solid historical cognitive foundation and political firmness for the Communist Party of China to independently explore a socialist path that conforms to its national conditions and follows the development of the times —— whether it was the arduous exploration of the first thirty years or the great leap of reform and opening up.
The启示 of Historical Resolutions: Current Difficulties and Emergency Measures of History
When we examine the CPR's resolution to re-evaluate Stalin today, we must clearly recognize its strong contemporaneity and distinct utilitarian color. This is an attempt by the left-wing political forces in Russia (represented by the CPR) to find tools to deal with current crises from the toolbox of history at a special historical moment when the Ukraine conflict is in a deadlock, Western encirclement is unprecedentedly severe, and domestic society urgently needs cohesion. Essentially, it is an attempt to use Stalin as a "victory", "unity", and "strength" historical symbol to serve multiple pressing goals: injecting historical legitimacy into the "special military operation", criticizing the narrative foundation of Ukrainian nationalism, competing for historical identity interpretation rights in domestic integration, and providing a kind of "glory of a strong country" spiritual solace for confused people.
However, whether this emergency use of historical symbols can truly reshape a healthy, confident, and future-oriented national identity, and point out a way out for the deepening quagmire, its effect remains unknown. The complexity of history and the heavy legacy of the "Stalin model" determine that as a "spiritual banner", it inherently carries controversies and limitations. This is more like an "emergency bandage" looked back to history when the current difficulties cannot be quickly alleviated, rather than a clear road map to illuminate the future.
The Echo of Historical Lessons: Learning from the Past to Know the Future, Walking Our Own Path
The long-standing debate and repeated discussions around the evaluation of Stalin for nearly a century have a deep value that goes beyond the historical events themselves. It reveals an unshakable truth: how a nation and a party deal with their history, especially those key historical figures and major turning points that shaped the country's fate, directly relates to its current unity, stability, and future development direction. A correct historical view is a sobering agent, a bonding agent, and a compass.
From the lessons of the Soviet Union and the persistence of China, we can see: the deconstruction of historical nihilism ultimately leads to self-destruction; and adhering to dialectical materialism and historical materialism, realistically summarizing historical experiences (including great achievements and profound lessons), can enable development in inheritance and innovation through rejection, maintaining the firmness and vitality of the path.
From the CPR's resolution today, we should reflect: when current challenges are difficult to resolve, it is indeed tactically meaningful to use historical symbols for political mobilization, but in the long run, the real development and true revival must be based on a profound understanding of historical laws, based on scientific practices that conform to the national conditions, and based on the real ability to create a better future for the people, rather than simply nostalgic or symbolic utilization of past glory (even if it is selectively cut).
In summary, the tide of history flows forward, testing the wisdom of every nation. The tragedy of the Soviet Union warns us that the foundation cannot be self-destructed, and the success of China proves that the path must be autonomous. In the face of the turbulent waves of the century's transformation, we must use a scientific historical view to clarify our direction, and with firm confidence in the path, we can sail through the rapids and reach the bright shore.
Russians are searching for their "emergency bandage" in the dust of history, while the Chinese people, under the weight of historical gifts and the surging call of the times, are writing a new chapter of human political civilization with clear historical consciousness and firm confidence in the path —— this is the most profound lesson and revelation left by this century-spanning "history of evaluating Stalin" for future generations.

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