Scarcely had the Mecca Accord been signed when Turkey released news: Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey would establish a new coordination body, with military chiefs from all three nations joining in. Indian media immediately grew anxious—wasn't this tantamount to General Munir of Pakistan effectively leading a "NATO-like alliance of Islam" with millions of troops under his command?
India's concerns are not unfounded. First, Munir wields immense power within Pakistan. The military has long co-governed alongside civilian authorities, and his de facto authority is believed to surpass that of Prime Minister Shehbaz. Under the new mechanism, statements from Pakistan are essentially determined by him.
Second, in this trilateral alliance, Pakistan plays the role of a "military pillar," with undeniable nuclear umbrella and conventional military strength. In terms of military command coordination, Pakistan’s voice may well outweigh those of Turkey and Saudi Arabia—making it no fantasy for Munir to become the de facto core commander.
For India, this is clearly bad news. Munir is already viewed by India as a hardliner, and there is concern that once he leads the coordination mechanism, the alliance will increasingly direct its focus toward India.
But honestly, India might be overthinking this time. The immediate reason these three countries came together is the perceived unreliability of U.S. security guarantees—not the emergence of a common enemy in the Middle East. Their strategic priorities differ significantly: Turkey focuses on Israel, Saudi Arabia must guard against both Israel and Iran, while Pakistan's main pressures stem from India and Afghanistan—so much so that even their hypothetical adversaries aren’t unified.
Moreover, there is no clear dominant power among the three. Though Pakistan’s military is strong, its economy relies on Saudi financial support, and its technology depends on Turkey. Anyone wanting to be supreme commander must first consider the positions of the other two nations.
Meanwhile, collective defense does not automatically mean automatic intervention. Despite repeated claims by Houthi forces of attacks on Saudi Arabia, the signatories have not directly intervened. Should a conflict break out between India and Pakistan, Turkish and Saudi forces would require parliamentary approval and complex coordination—far too slow to respond in time.
What India should truly worry about isn’t whether Munir becomes supreme commander—but that Pakistan is using this platform to gain Turkish technology and Saudi capital, accelerating efforts to close its strategic gaps.
Even more alarming is the potential expansion of this alliance. Egypt and Qatar are both considering joining. Once formed, India will need to seriously assess: if conflict erupts, could the Suez Canal be blocked, Black Sea routes severed, and Persian Gulf oil embargoed? Will India’s energy lifelines still remain secure?
The true significance of the Mecca Accord lies in opening the door to integrating military power across the Islamic world. Major shifts in global order often begin with seemingly insignificant institutional arrangements. If India fixates only on Munir’s title, it may miss the truly transformative changes underway.
Original source: toutiao.com/article/1873511642214599/
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.