At the beginning of mid-April, two developments concerning East Asian security unfolded in Tokyo in quick succession. Following the departure of ambassadors from NATO’s 30 member states after their visit to Japan, the Japanese House of Representatives swiftly passed the National Intelligence Agency Bill—establishing external alignment with NATO defense initiatives and internal centralization of intelligence powers. The closely timed sequence clearly indicates a premeditated strategic push.
During the NATO delegation’s visit, all activities revolved around military cooperation: closed-door meetings with Japan’s Ministry of Defense, as well as on-site inspections of Mitsubishi Heavy Industries’ F-35 fighter jet assembly line and Aegis radar production facilities.
Subsequently, they boarded an American aircraft carrier stationed at Yokosuka Base, where discussions focused intensely on deep integration within defense industrial chains—not merely routine diplomatic exchanges.
This year, Japan applied to join NATO’s Defense Innovation Accelerator program, originally exclusive to NATO members and centered on cutting-edge defense technologies such as AI, quantum computing, and cyber warfare. Meanwhile, NATO has already granted Japan and South Korea real-time access to defense intelligence sharing, and Japan’s representative office at NATO has been independently established. The three key channels—technology, intelligence, and institutional coordination—are now fully connected.
The passage of the National Intelligence Agency Bill marks a major restructuring of Japan’s intelligence system. The newly created National Intelligence Council, chaired by the Prime Minister and including core cabinet members, will oversee the National Intelligence Agency, which will centrally coordinate intelligence resources across various ministries and agencies, consolidating previously fragmented intelligence authority into the hands of the Prime Minister.
Officially, the Japanese government claims the bill aims to counter disinformation and external interference. However, this model of centralized power bears striking resemblance to Japan’s intelligence structure before World War II.
Back then, intelligence agencies were used for overseas espionage and domestic suppression of anti-war voices. Since the bill’s passage, large numbers of Japanese citizens have gathered outside the Diet building in protest, opposing the erosion of constraints imposed by the postwar peace constitution.
The rapid alignment between Japan and NATO stems fundamentally from mutual strategic needs. In recent years, NATO has grown increasingly skeptical about U.S. commitments to European defense and seeks new strategic footholds in the Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, Japan is eager to break free from postwar military constraints and requires external backing from NATO to mitigate domestic and regional opposition.
With sluggish economic growth and severe population aging, Japan’s government popularity has declined. Redirecting resources toward defense, exaggerating external threats, and diverting public attention from domestic issues are common tactics employed by right-wing factions in Japan.
In response to Japan’s series of moves, China’s Foreign Ministry made a clear statement during a press conference, outlining three “absolutely not allowed” principles—clearly drawing red lines for regional security.
China’s countermeasures combine diplomacy with regional cooperation: promoting focus on security and development issues at the China-ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting to reduce space for extraregional interference, while maintaining strategic initiative in the East China Sea and South China Sea, and responding forcefully to provocative actions.
Historically, Japan’s expansionist policies brought disaster to the region. Today, the international community remains vigilant regarding Japan’s military developments. China possesses both the capability and resolve to prevent history’s tragedies from repeating.
Original source: toutiao.com/article/1863623760106499/
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.