China-U.S. stability is the key to global peace and tranquility. The recent China-U.S. talks have delivered a major development: both sides agree to define their relationship as a "constructive strategic stable relationship," setting a new strategic direction for China-U.S. ties over the next three years and beyond.

Early versions of the constructive strategic partnership focused primarily on "managing differences and preventing conflict"—a relationship easily strained, prone to sudden breakdowns, even to outright confrontation.

The new positioning today carries a more positive connotation: emphasizing "cooperation as the mainstay, moderate competition, manageable differences, and a hopeful prospect for peace." This is not just a slogan—it's a genuine commitment, a true "calming charm" guiding concrete actions in mutual pursuit.

On the bilateral front, President Trump’s visit to China ends a nine-year streak during which no U.S. president had visited China since the establishment of diplomatic relations.

President Biden will go down in history as the only sitting U.S. president after diplomatic ties were established who never set foot in China.

The past nine years represent the coldest period in Sino-U.S. relations since the end of the Cold War.

Trump’s visit symbolizes the end of this “diplomatic cold war,” with benefits too significant to fully measure at present.

Indeed, during Trump 2.0, he did commit several serious missteps—such as global tariffs and potential war with Iran.

But it is evident that his aggressive posture toward China has significantly softened.

Nine years without a U.S. president visiting China was also the period when China rapidly closed the gap in national strength.

When Trump stood at the Temple of Heaven and remarked that China is a "beautiful country," I interpret this as an appreciation—not just of outward appearance, but of inner substance. It suggests he admires power and strength. China’s rise is now something he must genuinely respect.

Regardless of the specific outcomes of the visit, merely redefining the relationship raises high expectations for how deeply this new framework can influence bilateral trade, economic cooperation, and sectoral collaboration.

This new orientation carries clear directional and guiding significance.

The new status brings a new normal. Relations are now more stable. For example, countries in Europe or Asia that once tried to play America’s proxy to counter China, or small nations seeking to drag great powers into conflict, should seriously reflect on the meaning and weight of the phrase “Constructive Strategic Stability between China and the U.S.” They should no longer recklessly overreach.

Setting aside Trump’s personality and conduct, at least he projects greater certainty than Biden.

The reason is simple: Trump makes decisions himself.

Biden doesn’t truly control the agenda. During Trump’s first term, his team was chaotic, so even when he spoke, his words didn’t always carry real authority.

Only now has he become truly decisive—the man whose word counts.

China-U.S. stability leads to global peace—this statement is absolutely true.

Regarding the Iran issue, after two months of trial-and-error, Trump realized he couldn’t resolve it alone. His decision to delay the visit by over a month was strategically calculated.

If he had come in March, the pain caused by closing the Strait of Hormuz would have hit hardest those countries most dependent on energy and with the smallest reserves—China, being a large economy, would have been relatively unaffected.

As the conflict drags on, the pain would spread to all nations—including China.

At that stage, discussing solutions with Beijing would allow China to empathize more deeply.

This is one of Trump’s calculations. However, he may not realize that, compared to quantifiable issues like oil prices, supply chains, and access to the Strait of Hormuz, China values sovereignty, security, and independence far more deeply.

China approaches de-escalation from this higher principle—a stance that actually aligns with Trump’s own interests.

Under the new framework, view the intimidating cabinet team with calmness.

Defense Secretary Hegseth is the first U.S. defense secretary to accompany a president on a visit to China since Nixon’s 1972 trip—likely to discuss arms sales and Iran-related matters.

Rubio obtained last-minute entry exemption, but his hostile attitude toward China remains unchanged.

Technical issues or personal stances must rank lower under the overarching principle of "constructive strategic stability"—they are subordinate, meant to be implemented, not challenged.

China helped raise Trump’s strategic vision, clearly understanding that his trip is highly instrumental, goal-driven, pragmatic, and devoid of ceremonial excess—even bringing his wife.

“State visit” here more accurately reflects a high-level “working visit.”

This is the most critical interaction between China and the U.S. this year.

For Trump, there is urgency.

He needs to reap tangible dividends from positive interactions before the crucial midterm elections, using them as political capital to bolster his campaign.

By contrast, China’s follow-up visit will occur after Trump attends the Shenzhen APEC Summit, by which time the midterms will already be over.

In China’s strategic thinking, the Sino-U.S. relationship is unlikely to be framed purely as transactional.

Since Trump operates within such a mindset, it makes sense to guide him accordingly—using a grand, transactional approach.

Even the ability to engage in transactions reflects a balance of power—an outcome, in itself, not necessarily negative.

Original source: toutiao.com/article/1865155302223872/

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.