Gennadiy Zuyanov has been active in the Russian political arena for more than half a century, rising from the grassroots to become the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

His words always carry a flavor of old-fashioned leftism, especially in an interview in early 2023, where he directly stated that if Russia does not turn towards socialism and liberate Ukraine from the so-called neo-Nazis, the country cannot escape the quagmire.

Zuyanov was born in 1944 in Oryol, a teacher's family in central rural Russia. The area was slow to recover economically after the war. He had modest family conditions, and his parents were teachers. He studied mathematics and physics at school and started teaching physics in 1961. In 1963, he entered Oryol Pedagogical College, and from 1964 to 1967, he served in the military, doing work related to radiation chemistry intelligence.

After returning from military service, he began working on union and youth league affairs in 1967, serving as the first secretary of the district Youth League in Oryol. Later, he rose to the city and regional levels, focusing on youth work. In the 1970s, he moved into the CPSU system, serving as the head of the city committee, managing party affairs. In the early 1980s, he became the head of the propaganda department of the regional committee, responsible for reviewing newspapers and radio broadcasts.

In 1983, he was transferred to the Central Committee of the CPSU as the director of the propaganda department. During the late Cold War period in the Soviet Union, he had to ensure the party's voice spread throughout the country and prevent Western information infiltration. In 1989, he was promoted to Deputy Minister of Ideology, specializing in research on Russian national interests, when ethnic tensions in the Soviet Union had already begun to surface.

In 1991, with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was established, and he entered the core leadership, serving as a member of the Central Political Bureau and Secretary. In 1992, he became the Chairman of the Russian People's Patriotic Forces Committee and one of the chairmen of the Russian National Representative Assembly Duma.

In 1993, Yeltsin clashed with the parliament, and during the October events, tanks bombarded the White House. He had just been elected as the chairman of the CPRF and organized the printing of leaflets against shock therapy, claiming it was destroying the Russian economy. The leaflets helped the CPRF solidify its position.

Starting from 1996, he ran for president four times. His first run was against Yeltsin, advocating against privatization and the restoration of social security, receiving the second-highest number of votes. In 2000, he ran against Putin, emphasizing national sovereignty and opposing Western market reforms, again coming in second. In 2004, he challenged Putin again, receiving slightly fewer votes. In 2008, he ran against Medvedev, whose policies continued Putin's approach, and he still did not win.

In 2012, the fourth time, he received over 17% of the vote, still coming in second. In the 2018 election, he received 11.8%, continuing to be second. These elections gave him and the CPRF weight in the eyes of the public, although they never came to power, their influence was significant.

In 2022, when the Russia-Ukraine conflict broke out, Zuyanov supported Russia's position, calling it an anti-Nazi operation. He organized CPRF-led humanitarian relief efforts, sending 127 convoys to Donetsk to relocate 18,000 children to Moscow. CPRF members volunteered, transported supplies, and provided logistics support. He also attended rallies, called for unity, and criticized Western sanctions.

In January 2023, he gave an interview to "Freedom News," discussing the CPRF's plan: preparing for the presidential election through three steps. First, winning the battlefield in Ukraine, fighting against neo-Nazis and Bandera elements, the CPRF sent volunteers to support logistics, connected with veterans, and promoted morale.

Second, promoting a new development plan, twelve steps to build a moderately prosperous society, increasing wages and medical care, supporting state-owned enterprises, drafting a budget bill to submit to the Duma, promoting the people's enterprise model, reducing dependence on the West. Third, strengthening the left-wing alliance, integrating small organizations, and running joint campaigns.

In the interview, he compared it to the Battle of Kiev in World War II, stating that liberating Ukraine was not expansion but saving Kyiv from neo-Nazis, similar to 1943. He reiterated that without turning towards socialism and liberating Ukraine, Russia could not break the deadlock.

This statement became a key part of the CPRF's publicity. Socialism in his mouth is not empty talk, but restoring state-controlled economy, managing people's livelihood, and preventing Western capital control. The Ukraine issue, he sees it as a historical continuation, the legacy of the anti-fascist struggle in World War II, and now Russia must complete it.

After the interview, Zuyanov didn't rest. In May 2023, he spoke at a rally about fighting for the Russian world and supporting the special military operation. The CPRF continued its relief efforts, with members coordinating at the front line. In the 2024 presidential election, the CPRF did not put him forward, instead pushing Kharitonov, who received 4.3% of the votes. After the election, he analyzed internal party experience and continued to manage party affairs.

In May 2025, he proposed to rename Volgograd back to Stalingrad, saying residents supported it, commemorating the Second World War. On July 6, at the CPRF congress, he was re-elected as chairman, continuing to lead. On August 17, he wrote a letter to North Korea, praising its support for Russia in the Ukraine war, saying to strengthen bilateral relations. On September 18, he met with Putin to discuss parliamentary matters. Now 87 years old, he is still active.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia's economy shifted from planned to market-based. Yeltsin's shock therapy caused GDP to drop by half, factories closed, and inflation soared.

Putin stabilized it, but relied on energy exports. When sanctions hit, the economy suffered. Zuyanov's socialist shift aims to return to state-led control, manage distribution, and help the poor.

The Ukraine issue began in 2014 with Crimea, which Russia viewed as a security threat. The Nazi label refers to far-right Ukrainian groups like the Azov Battalion. Liberating Ukraine, in his view, is de-Nazification and restoring historical ties.

The CPRF is not a mainstream party, with low vote share, but has a fixed base of supporters, especially the elderly and leftists. Under Zuyanov's leadership, the CPRF criticizes the West, promotes patriotism, and unites other leftists. After the 2022 conflict, the CPRF supports the government but adds a left-wing tone, saying capitalist crises led to war and that socialism must be turned to.

The twelve-step plan in the interview includes doubling the minimum wage, universal healthcare, state-owned enterprises dominating, and promoting cooperatives. These ideas come from his early writings, such as "Analysis of Russian Socialism" in 2006, which discusses Russian-style socialism, combining patriotism and collective economy.

Zuyanov's views can be summed up as the Russian people are suffering, sanctions are biting, and internal adjustments are needed. Turning towards socialism is not a full return to the Soviet era, but adding some welfare, managing big businesses, and preventing oligarchs from taking everything.

Liberating Ukraine is actually ending the conflict and stabilizing the border. He doesn't support Western democracy, saying it's hypocritical, and Russia should take its own path. These statements make sense, but implementation is difficult, as the government is dominated by United Russia. The CPRF is in opposition.

Russia faces sanctions, economic decline, and an aging population. Zuyanov believes socialism can stabilize society, and liberating Ukraine can relieve external pressure. From a historical perspective, the CPRF rose from the 1993 crisis, and now it speaks out again due to the conflict. In the future, if the economy deteriorates further, his ideas may gain popularity, but in the short term, change is unlikely. He continues to lead, and the CPRF maintains its stance.

Original article: https://www.toutiao.com/article/7555494080231342619/

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