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Author | Aisha Siddiqa; Translation | Cao Yinceng; Review | Zhang Qianhe
Editor of this issue | Cao Yinceng
Reviewer of this issue | Shan Minmin
Editor's Note
Recently, U.S.-Pakistan relations have warmed up, and this article presents a new research perspective: What strategic goals does the Trump administration hope to achieve by cooperating with Pakistan? In the author's view, the Trump administration will use Pakistan's military strength to participate in the Middle East situation, intervene in the Gaza conflict, and it is not excluded that the Pakistani military will be used to strike the Taliban in Afghanistan and "reclaim" Bagram Airfield. The friendly gestures from senior Pakistani military officials toward the U.S. also convey a dangerous signal: Pakistan may be forced to get involved in the Middle East conflict as the U.S.'s vanguard, and deep cooperation with the U.S. may disappoint traditional friendly countries such as China. Although U.S.-Pakistan relations seem to be thriving, the author warns that the cooperation between the U.S. and the Pakistani military may give rise to a dictatorship similar to that of Zia-ul-Haq, and expand domestic contradictions in Pakistan. The translator believes that for Pakistan, the two collaborations with the U.S. during the Soviet-Afghan War and the War on Terror have brought serious consequences such as religious extremism and the spillover of terrorism, and the U.S. has played a minimal role in improving Pakistan's economic and social conditions. For the U.S., Pakistan has long been seen as an unreliable ally, and regarding the intense internal contradictions in Pakistan, the Trump administration lacks the ability and willingness to interfere. This U.S.-Pakistan cooperation is likely to end in failure again. The South Asia Research Communications specially translates this article for your critical reference.
Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir shows rare earth minerals to US President Donald Trump at The White House during the meeting where Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was also present. Source: The White House
After nearly 90 minutes of meeting between U.S. President Trump and Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, Pakistani media, especially television and social media, showed unusual excitement and elation. General Munir's visit to the United States was accompanied by Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. This euphoria can be understood, as Pakistan had been waiting for a call from the U.S. for over four years. Many people believe that this meeting marks Pakistan's return from relative marginalization, and the world's major powers and important countries have once again recognized its importance.
Pakistan still holds grudges about the early days of Biden's presidency - when the U.S. president never called the then-Prime Minister Imran Khan, and in the U.S. military strategy, the Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue), which centers on India, is more important than Pakistan.
Now the situation has changed, and many Pakistanis openly admit that they are not bothered by the fact that the army chief rather than the prime minister played the leading role in this meeting between Trump and Pakistani leaders (note: the conflict between the military and civilian government is a long-standing problem in Pakistan), and even social media has praised the meeting, saying that it is an acknowledgment of Pakistan's determination and strength to "defeat a country far stronger than itself" within a few hours. The general opinion is that this meeting took place because after India launched the "Operation Zarb-e-Azab," the world, especially Trump, has become more convinced of Pakistan's victory.
Certainly, this viewpoint always avoids the key question: what exactly does Trump want from Pakistan? Why did he meet the Pakistan Army Chief twice in less than two months and praised him so much?
I. Trump's Demands on Pakistan
A friend of mine who is concerned about politics criticized "Operation Zarb-e-Azab" for different reasons, but he believes that the recent India-Pakistan conflict has turned the situation around. In his view, Pakistan's superficial success in the international community has made Asim Munir increasingly exuberant, overly confident, and more willing to take risks. He is leading the country down a more dangerous path, taking more difficult strategies, and neither the elected government nor the military can stop it. My friend believes that now is not the time to celebrate, but to be vigilant.
Trump repeatedly mentioned Pakistan's air combat achievements in the conflict, indicating his satisfaction with the performance of the Pakistani military. He seems to have sensed the fire burning in the hearts of Munir and his generals - they are willing to take strategic risks to obtain institutional benefits. The White House is trying to recruit new partners capable of undertaking tough tasks. Trump may be eager to cooperate with Pakistan in two areas.
First, Trump intends to reshape the Middle East. He hopes to revive the "Abraham Accords" he promoted during his first term, which aims to create a peaceful and stable environment for Israel, and all Arab and Muslim countries have high hopes for it. The outbreak of the Gaza crisis on October 7, 2023, caused the agreement to fail, falling short of Trump's expectations. The new round of conflict has made it impossible for countries like Saudi Arabia to follow the example of the UAE and Tel Aviv in peace talks. Although the plight of the Palestinians in Gaza has not improved, Trump now intends to push for a solution, making most Middle Eastern and Muslim countries stakeholders in the process.
The U.S. airstrike on Iran's nuclear facilities in June 2025 aimed to destroy its uranium enrichment and nuclear weapons capabilities, eliminating the threat to Israel. Although it is uncertain whether the U.S. achieved its goal, it is a fact that the attack has successfully intimidated Iran. The current priority is to rebuild the peace structure and reduce the Iranian threat. With the leaders of Arab countries, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, and senior Pakistani officials gathered in Washington, Trump can now claim that reaching a mediation agreement is imminent. Some analysts I have contacted say that Trump envisions forming an Arab military force for the conflict zone. This purpose alone involves Pakistan - the new defense agreement between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia indicates that Pakistan has taken responsibility for participating in Saudi military affairs.
In fact, the focus of this White House meeting may not be Pakistan, but Saudi Arabia, and how Saudi Arabia uses its military power in the Middle East. Professor Joshua White of Johns Hopkins University in the U.S. believes that the Pakistan-Saudi defense agreement is not a response to the Israeli attack on Doha, but the result of long-term negotiations between the two countries - aimed at alleviating Saudi concerns about Israel and Iran (both secretly developing nuclear programs), especially when the U.S. is unwilling to play a leading role in protecting Saudi Arabia. This defense agreement has closely linked Pakistan with Saudi Arabia, giving Pakistan an important negotiation position. At the same time, it means that if Muslim countries deploy peacekeeping forces in Gaza in the future, Pakistan will play a more critical role.
Secondly, Trump hopes that Pakistan will assist in reclaiming the Bagram Airfield in Kabul, insisting that the base should be under U.S. control. Although Trump insists that the withdrawal from Afghanistan or the Bagram base was a wrong decision, he may not be enthusiastic about sending U.S. ground troops again. He probably realized that Munir is dissatisfied with the Taliban and is eager to strike the armed network. Meanwhile, Munir's predecessor, former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Director Lieutenant General Fazl Hameed, strongly supported the Taliban's takeover. Facing ongoing attacks by the Pakistani Taliban (TTP), Munir seems to be seeking international support to teach the Taliban authorities a lesson. This makes Trump and Munir share a common goal.
II. Obstacles for Pakistan Embracing the U.S.
It is worth noting that these two common goals are not easy for Pakistan. Both roads are full of risks and problems. Deploying forces in the volatile Gaza is extremely difficult, especially considering that Netanyahu refuses any demand for withdrawal, let alone achieving peace between the belligerent Israel and Hamas. Therefore, although columnist Niaz Murtaza of Dawn newspaper is certain that the White House visit is related to Trump's plan to involve the Pakistani military in Gaza, he has not mentioned the possible consequences at all. Obviously, Trump, who is dissatisfied with the United Nations, will not use this platform, as he cannot determine what new mechanism will manage this military deployment, nor does he know who can ensure order and discipline in the turbulent region.
Similarly, reclaiming the Bagram base may escalate the war with the Afghan Taliban and draw Pakistan deeper into the conflict. Not to mention that these two military operations - in the Middle East and Afghanistan - could trigger serious domestic consequences, such as sectarian conflicts and deteriorating ethnic relations, especially possibly widening the gap between the Pashtuns and Punjabis.
Due to the terrorist attacks by the Pakistani Taliban, there has already been anti-Afghan sentiment in Punjab and Sindh provinces, inadvertently involving the Pakistani Pashtuns - ordinary people cannot distinguish between them.
More importantly, Pakistan has proposed other interest exchange schemes to Trump, such as mining Pakistan's rare earth minerals. Munir chose the U.S. instead of China. The strategic shift from China to the U.S. began with his predecessor, and the current Army Chief and his team continue this approach. According to sources in Pakistan, Pakistan has told China: although it has not deliberately excluded China, Pakistan has the right to explore opportunities for cooperation with the U.S. This argument is very naive, apparently failing to realize that the strategy of balancing between two great powers is not suitable in the eyes of relevant countries. Sources revealed that currently 65 American companies are collaborating with the Pakistani Maritime Department to develop the Karachi and Karsaz ports. This is certainly a source of dissatisfaction for China.
Munir can obviously take the risk of cooperating with Trump to gain limited personal and institutional interests. The White House photo will ensure that no one questions his extension of his term for another two years - or even longer. The U.S.-Pakistan partnership will also ensure that any criticism - even if it arises - will be suppressed. History has shown that the partnership with the U.S. fosters authoritarianism. The civilian agents of Munir have already begun lobbying Western countries for military technology assistance to suppress rebellions in Balochistan and other regions.
At this moment, the jubilant Pakistani people might start to imagine a darker era of authoritarian rule than that of Zia-ul-Haq.
About the Author: Ayesha Siddiqa is a Senior Research Fellow in the Department of War Studies at King's College London (KCL).
This article is translated from an article published in The Print on September 29, 2025, titled "Pakistan is thrilled with Trump’s embrace. No one’s asking what does US want". The original link is:
https://theprint.in/opinion/trump-meets-asim-munir-pakistan/2753271/
Editor of this issue: Cao Yinceng
Reviewer of this issue: Shan Minmin
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