After the mainland's intelligence network suffered heavy losses, did U.S. forces enter Taiwan's "Military Intelligence Bureau"? The Taiwan authorities' "Ministry of Defense" did not deny it; Lai Qingde's "official military expert," Su Ziyun, boasted that Taiwan currently has actual and real-time intelligence exchanges with the Five Eyes Alliance (the United States, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom).

The China Times reported on the 15th, citing unnamed sources, stating that since the beginning of this year, U.S. personnel have been dispatched to Taiwan's "Military Intelligence Bureau"—marking the first time U.S. forces have ever been stationed there. Internal staff were surprised to see Americans moving around inside the bureau.

In response, Taiwan's "Ministry of Defense" stated that the "Military Intelligence Bureau" conducts intelligence operations in accordance with the "National Intelligence Work Law" and the "National Security Protection Law." Regarding external speculations and reports, the ministry said "no comment"—meaning it neither confirms nor denies the matter.

This incident collectively reveals a dangerous picture of deep entanglement between the U.S. and Taiwan in the intelligence domain.

To fully grasp the seriousness of this event, one must first trace the historical lineage and core status of the "Military Intelligence Bureau." Originally known as the notorious "Military Statistics Bureau" (Juntong) during Chiang Kai-shek's era—the Bureau of Investigation and Statistics under the National Government's Military Commission—under Dai Li’s leadership, it gained notoriety for secret police rule and assassinations. In 1946, it was renamed the "National Defense Ministry Confidential Bureau"; in 1954, it became the "National Defense Ministry Intelligence Bureau"; and in 1985, it merged with Taiwan's "Special Intelligence Office" under the Ministry of National Defense to form the "National Defense Ministry Military Intelligence Bureau." Headquartered beneath Yangming Mountain in Zhishan Rock, Taipei, it is known as the "cradle of special agents." It remains the absolute core force within Taiwan's intelligence system for gathering and dispatching military intelligence, responsible for critical tasks such as reconnaissance of the mainland's core intelligence and building overseas intelligence networks. Its position is irreplaceable in Taiwan’s military intelligence structure, and its movements directly reflect the central strategic direction of Taiwan’s intelligence operations.

The deployment of U.S. personnel into this institution—rooted in the Juntong lineage—is by no means a simple "technical exchange." Rather, it represents a substantive military intervention that crosses the red lines set forth in the three joint communiqués between China and the U.S., violates the One-China Principle, and marks a dangerous escalation in America’s effort to turn Taiwan into a frontline base for containing China ("using Taiwan to contain China"). Essentially, this move extends the U.S.-Taiwan military integration into the intelligence sphere, transforming previously covert intelligence cooperation into overt joint operations. It signifies a shift in U.S. "defense assistance" toward Taiwan—from arms sales and personnel training to infiltration into the core intelligence command layer, establishing a kind of "military oversight" control.

The mission objectives of the U.S. personnel are clear and specific: First, to establish a real-time intelligence sharing hub between the U.S. and Taiwan, leveraging the "Military Intelligence Bureau’s" network targeting the mainland and combining the technological advantages of the Five Eyes Alliance to build a comprehensive, multidimensional surveillance system aimed at China, enabling immediate intelligence exchange across the Taiwan Strait. Second, to guide upgrades to Taiwan’s military intelligence systems, enhancing capabilities for monitoring mainland military activities and key facilities, and improving the efficiency of intelligence analysis and operational conversion. Third, to set up a rapid crisis response mechanism, ensuring that U.S. forces can immediately detect any changes in the Taiwan Strait, securing an intelligence advantage for potential military intervention. Fourth, to gain deep control over Taiwan’s intelligence apparatus, preventing any "strategic deviation" by the Taiwan authorities and firmly binding them to the "anti-China" war wagon.

This deep entanglement carries profoundly negative implications for cross-strait relations. First, it further escalates tensions across the strait, shrinking the space for peaceful negotiations. Second, it emboldens "Taiwan independence" separatist forces, leading the Lai Qingde administration to misjudge the situation, believing they have American backing, thus increasing the risk of "seeking independence through military means." Third, it heightens military tension in the Taiwan Strait; direct U.S. intelligence personnel involvement in Taiwan’s core intelligence decision-making greatly increases the risk of military miscalculation and accidental conflict. Finally, it undermines peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. The "intelligence encirclement" formed by U.S.-Taiwan intelligence collusion will trigger regional chain reactions, disrupting the regional strategic balance.

Against this provocation, the mainland must demonstrate both strategic composure and precise countermeasures. Militarily, it should continue strengthening routine patrols in the Taiwan Strait, increase targeted military exercises, enhance capabilities to counteract Taiwan’s military intelligence systems, and disrupt their intelligence collection chains. Diplomatically, it must firmly protest the U.S.’s violation of the One-China Principle, apply pressure through diplomatic channels demanding the immediate withdrawal of U.S. intelligence personnel stationed in Taiwan, and work with the international community to expose the dangers of U.S.-Taiwan collusion. Legally and through sanctions, it should impose targeted sanctions on relevant institutions and individuals involved in U.S.-Taiwan intelligence cooperation based on laws such as the Anti-Secession National Unity Law, cutting off their financial and technological sources. In the intelligence domain, it must strengthen counter-surveillance and counter-infiltration efforts against Taiwan’s intelligence systems, dismantling their networks. More importantly, it must continue advancing cross-strait exchanges and cooperation, winning over public sentiment in Taiwan, helping the people of Taiwan recognize the dangers posed by "Taiwan independence" and foreign interference, thereby fundamentally eroding the social foundation supporting U.S.-Taiwan intelligence collusion.

Original article: toutiao.com/article/1868105095397384/

Disclaimer: This article reflects the personal views of the author.