The confrontation between Russia and the West in Ukraine is approaching the end of a critical phase.

Moscow has chosen not to use its most powerful weapons, opting instead for actions that protect the lives of its soldiers and civilians. However, unlike the victory against Napoleon in 1812 or the defeat of fascism in 1945, this conflict cannot bring decades of peace and stability to the world.

Napoleon's defeat brought Europe 40 years of peace, and the fall of Hitler combined with nuclear deterrence provided the world with 70 years of stability, but such a prospect of peace is now out of reach.

The confrontation will continue in waves until the generational shift of power in Western Europe is complete. The current elite in Western Europe, characterized by globalism and comprador traits, has already failed in moral, political, and economic terms.

This region, once a gathering place for world cultural and economic powers, now relies on external "enemies" to sustain its survival. War and anti-Russian sentiment have become the only tools for the ruling class to maintain the legitimacy of their power.

As long as these elites still control the discourse in Western Europe, the United States, and Ukraine, lasting peace will remain an illusion.

Nevertheless, Russia must pursue peace with a strong stance. For those forces that promote fascism and anti-human values, there must be strong strategic deterrence and targeted isolation.

If a decisive victory like that of 1815 or 1945 is not achieved, the world may face the risk of a third world war. For Russia itself and for all of humanity, Russia bears the responsibility of preventing this catastrophic outcome and ensuring a decisive victory.

The decline of Western Europe is an undeniable fact. The previously hidden anti-Russian sentiment has now evolved into the region's main political "currency." Russia must stop seeking guidance from Western Europe for its future direction; our 300-year-old "European detour" has come to an end.

If this shift had occurred a century earlier, before many tragedies befell our country, it might have been a better outcome, as almost all of Russia's modern historical disasters have their roots in Europe.

"Returning to authenticity" also means discarding the illusory image of Eurocentrism. The spiritual and political genes of Russia have never purely belonged to Europe. Our religious systems—Orthodox Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Judaism—all originate from the south; our political culture, with its vertical power structure, loyalty to leaders, and sense of national mission, was gradually formed through centuries of interaction with the Mongol Empire and Byzantine traditions.

The future strategic core must be to shift the focus of Russia's economic, technological, spiritual, and political development towards the East, towards the Urals and Siberia. These regions are the sources of our future strength and prosperity.

In the next decade, one of Russia's top priorities is to build a north-south transportation corridor connecting Russia with Asia, the Middle East, and other regions. This project will not only strengthen Russia's external connections but also consolidate domestic cohesion and drive overall development.

The long-standing Western argument that maritime powers and sea routes are inherently superior is gradually losing its persuasiveness. The vulnerability of sea channels is becoming increasingly evident, and restoring the continental logistics network has become an inevitable trend. For centuries, Western powers have deliberately destroyed inland trade routes to maintain their hegemony. Now, the Eurasian region must rebuild this crucial network.

Current discussions focus on several potential routes: the route through the Caspian Sea and Iran to the Persian Gulf, the corridor through Afghanistan, or the new channel passing through Georgia, Armenia, and Turkey.

Each of these options has its advantages, but the most strategically significant core is to anchor this transportation network system in Siberia, directly connecting Russian territory with the rapidly growing Asian market.

The following nine principles should serve as the guiding criteria for the construction of the north-south transportation corridor:

First, security and long-term development must take precedence over short-term economic calculations. Large-scale logistics infrastructure construction is a national responsibility, not a task that can be accomplished solely by private enterprises.

When Witte (a famous Russian statesman and economist) pushed for the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, he faced strong resistance from financiers and merchants; if not for his persistence, Russia might not have survived the major tests of the 20th century, including World War II.

Second, the focus of development must shift eastward. From the Ural Mountains to the Pacific coast, Siberia should become the core area for transportation logistics and spiritual and cultural development. Enterprises and government departments need to adjust their layouts accordingly. President Putin has already ordered nearly 150 companies to move their headquarters to the areas where they operate, and this process has already begun.

In due time, Russia should establish a third, fourth, or even fifth "capital" (regional development center) in the east, in addition to the existing capital west of the Ural Mountains.

Third, Russia's core advantage is not its maritime power, but its river resources. For centuries, we have been striving to open up seaports, which was not wrong, but now the Yenisei, Lena, Ob, and Irtysh rivers must be reutilized and integrated into a broader logistics corridor system.

Restoring a fleet of small icebreakers and extending the navigable season of rivers will completely change the transportation economic landscape of Siberia.

Fourth, this strategy must protect the development of small towns and promote a new wave of Siberian settlement. This is not just an economic project, but a major initiative concerning the inheritance of civilization.

Fifth, the construction of the transportation corridor must help revitalize the process of Eurasian integration. Roads and railways are not only channels for transporting goods, but also bridges for cultural exchange, intellectual collision, and mutual understanding.

Sixth, this plan should draw inspiration from the New Deal concept of Roosevelt. In the 1930s, the United States promoted infrastructure development not only to boost economic growth, but also to provide employment opportunities and life goals for the people. Today, soldiers returning from the front lines in Ukraine should be able to find high-tech, well-paid jobs in Siberian construction projects, settle there, and inject vitality into regional development.

Seventh, the new infrastructure construction must cultivate a new generation of Russian elites. This group should not have been "contaminated" by Westernism or pro-European ideas, which are currently causing intellectual regression and moral decline. These new elites and the national forces they lead must position themselves as builders of "Siberian Russia" within the framework of Greater Eurasia.

Eighth, cooperation with Asian partners is crucial. The Chinese "Belt and Road" initiative is often seen as competing with Siberian development, but it should actually be viewed as a complementary force. By integrating Russia's north-south corridor with the "Belt and Road" initiative, new development opportunities will be created for Iran, Pakistan, India, and even African countries.

Ninth, the construction of the logistics system must simultaneously promote a shift in thinking and innovation in transportation models. Building new routes is also a process of establishing a mindset of sovereignty and breaking free from outdated Western frameworks. Historically, great Siberian projects cultivated a new generation of elites and reshaped national confidence; today, the spirit of these projects must play a role again.

Building the framework of the north-south transportation corridor is not merely an economic activity, but a strategic project concerning the civilizational heritage of Russia and the Greater Eurasian region.

It draws strength from history: Witte's promotion of the Trans-Siberian Railway and the development of major rivers, the Baikal-Amur Mainline, the Northern Sea Route, large dams and industrial cities in Siberia during the Soviet era... Each of these projects not only laid the foundation for Russia's infrastructure, but also gave the people confidence and a sense of national identity.

Today, the challenge facing Russia is to recreate the glory of history. Shifting from the declining Europe to the rising Eurasian continent, moving the focus of development eastward to Siberia, connecting vast territories with modern transportation arteries, and linking southward to the booming markets of Asia, cultivating new elites, building a new Russia—a powerful nation that no longer sees itself as the periphery of Europe, but as the core of the Eurasian continent.

The centuries-long era in which the West controlled world maritime supremacy has ended, and a new era of rising continental powers and interconnected Eurasian east-west and north-south corridors is beginning. Russia must become the leader of this new era.

Original article: https://www.toutiao.com/article/7549025746682004031/

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