【Text by Anton Nierman, Observer Network Columnist; Translation by Xue Kaihuan】
After the G7 ambassadors and the EU expressed "serious concerns," Zelenskyy quickly made concessions, announcing that he had submitted a "very balanced" new bill to restore the independence of Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO).
Before this, Ukrainian citizens had held demonstrations for several days. This was the first large-scale anti-government protest in Ukraine since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022. However, these protests did not deter Zelenskyy until the EU raised its voice.
This article will focus on recent actions taken by Ukraine against the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecution (SAP), revealing Zelenskyy's tactics of concentrating power under the guise of "removing Russian influence" and the political and interest entanglements involved.
Law No. 12414
In June 2025, Ukrainian President Zelenskyy appointed Ruslan Khrapchenko as the Chief Prosecutor. A few days before the signing of an important law in late July, Khrapchenko proposed his own plan for handling economic cases by law enforcement.
Then, on July 22, Zelenskyy signed Law No. 12414. This legal document meant that anti-corruption agencies would come under the management of the Chief Prosecutor of Ukraine. Zelenskyy said that promoting this law was to make the work of anti-corruption officials easier and to get rid of Russian influence.
The next day (July 23), Zelenskyy organized a meeting with Khrapchenko and the heads of law enforcement and anti-corruption agencies. He asked the anti-corruption agencies and the prosecution to "work together." The head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), Vasyl Malyuk, also attended the meeting. Malyuk was responsible for implementing Zelenskyy's policies on NABU and SAP. He called Zelenskyy's takeover of anti-corruption agencies "cleansing" and considered it a good thing. He said that SBU employees would "continue to eliminate enemies anywhere." He also used the excuse of a "rule-of-law state" to justify the action: "We live in a rule-of-law state. We have a fundamental law: the Constitution. The Constitution states that our country has only one chief prosecutor. Therefore, there cannot be two institutions doing the same thing."
Under Malyuk's leadership, the main task of the SBU is to unite the country and arrest important criminals, including corrupt parliamentarians, deputy ministers, and court presidents. This effectively means that now the SBU and other agencies can interfere with all investigation actions of NABU and SAP.
Malyuk is Zelenskyy's "loyal dog," the executor and defender of Zelenskyy's will, and more importantly, a tool for him to consolidate power. Since Zelenskyy started his career as a political novice, his power base was not stable. At that time, the political factions in Ukraine were numerous, and the various forces were intertwined. He lacked deep political resources and had no sufficient authority to coordinate all forces, and many policies often faced constraints during implementation.
The outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war was a key turning point in Zelenskyy's power structure. Using the emergency mobilization mechanism during the wartime state, he gradually tightened his power under the name of "maintaining national unity" and "resisting external threats," achieving a shift from dispersion to relatively "centralized" power.
In this process, he needed Malyuk's role. Malyuk could precisely strike those who posed potential threats to his power, clearing obstacles on the path of power, and promptly eliminate unfavorable voices and influences in the public opinion field, ensuring that he suffered fewer disturbances during the concentration of power.
For example, Zelenskyy was once an actor, which had some negative effects on his current governance (many people attacked him as a political novice in the political arena). But Malyuk could decide or even eliminate this adverse impact. According to Malyuk himself, Zelenskyy "just needs to issue orders under the law and the constitution."
Additionally, if Malyuk's strength was insufficient, the head of the Ukrainian intelligence agency, Kyrylo Budanov, would help him control NABU and SAP. Budanov said that facing common difficulties, Ukraine needed to "show common wisdom and responsibility."
Previously, anti-corruption officials led by Zelenskyy were to develop a "legal punishment" overall plan within two weeks. Then, security forces and anti-corruption agencies would hold another meeting to decide the next step. After that, they would try to strengthen the authority of the government and "truly protect the interests of Ukrainian society." Therefore, the so-called "anti-corruption agencies are led by the prosecution" is actually just a pretext for Zelenskyy to consolidate power. Of course, Zelenskyy certainly wouldn't openly say the truth. It is no surprise that he accused the anti-corruption agencies of being "pro-Russian."
Ukrainian security forces (assigned by the Security Service of Ukraine and the Office of the Chief Prosecutor) have searched NABU offices in different regions. They found some investigators allegedly working for Russia, who were charged with corruption, trading with Russia, treason, and being "spied on by Russian agents." One employee's father is a Russian citizen and was also accused of running a joint venture. However, NABU stated that none of these searches had a court order.
This series of actions against NABU and SAP became active due to a person: Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Unity of Ukraine, Zelenskyy's "godfather," Alexei Chernyshev.
Previously, NABU investigators had already filed criminal charges against Chernyshev, accusing him of abuse of power and receiving substantial illegal benefits for himself and others. The anti-corruption agencies said that Chernyshev, his former secretary Vasily Volokitin, former advisor Maksym Gorbatush, and two others, illegally obtained a piece of land at a low price, causing the state to lose over 1 billion hryvnias.
Although local media reported that Chernyshev's entire family left Ukraine after the scandal, he reportedly returned from an overseas business trip two weeks after the case was exposed. Meanwhile, other defendants in the case have been arrested, and they can choose to pay bail (amounts ranging from 20 million to 100 million hryvnias) or be released on bail directly.
Later, NABU and SAP investigators requested the confiscation of Chernyshev's 120 million hryvnia bail and the removal of his position as a judge in the High Anti-Corruption Court. On June 27, the court only agreed to the bail request. The investigators filed an appeal, and the hearing was scheduled for August 7. Additionally, the anti-corruption prosecutors insisted on confiscating Chernyshev's passport, restricting his activities in the Kyiv region, and putting an electronic tracking bracelet on him.
Chernyshev entered the Ukrainian state power system in October 2019. Within less than a year, he became the Minister of Community and Territorial Development. Later, in the fall of 2022, he was transferred to the Ukrainian Oil and Gas Company (Naftogaz). From December 2024, he has been serving as the Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine.
His rise to power is legendary. Why could he rapidly advance in such a short period? The answer to this question is a "public secret" in the Ukrainian political and media circles. Chernyshev has a close relationship with Zelenskyy and has ties with the first family of Ukraine: it is said that one of his children's godmother is the First Lady of Ukraine, Yelena Zelenska. Therefore, he has been rumored to be Zelenskyy's "godfather." Regardless of whether the title of "godfather" is accurate, the close relationship between Chernyshev and Zelenskyy is well known in the inner circle.
Zelenskyy holds a meeting with the Chief Prosecutor of Ukraine, heads of law enforcement agencies, and anti-corruption agencies. Zelenskyy's X account
Zelenskyy's Core Circle's "Corruption Game"
The struggle between Ukraine's anti-corruption agencies and Zelenskyy's core circle is the central axis of this event. In general, anti-corruption activists and agencies have "hit a wall," i.e., targeted Zelenskyy's core loyalists. And Zelenskyy cannot forgive their actions.
Indeed, the highest-level corrupt officials in Ukraine are all core loyalists of Zelenskyy. In addition to the mentioned Chernyshev, this "corruption list" includes at least one member of parliament, one chairman of the Antitrust Committee, one former minister, and one former military commissioner. They are the "white gloves" for Zelenskyy's "criminal capital accumulation" during his presidency and the foundation of his governance.
Naturally, the corruption issues of these people are not fabricated. The anti-corruption agencies have long been targeting them, which has become the fundamental reason for Zelenskyy's attempt to dismantle the anti-corruption system. Their corruption issues are the key "hostages" in the power struggle between Zelenskyy and the anti-corruption agencies.
Among them, Chernyshev, as the Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine, is not necessarily the most corrupt official, but he is definitely the highest-ranking official exposed for corruption in Ukraine in recent years.
Looking back to 2022, when Chernyshev was still the Minister of Community and Territorial Development, money flowed into his hands continuously: he just needed to hand over fertile land near Kyiv to "suitable" companies, which had the obligation to build residential buildings there and hand over part of the apartments to the state. In return, he received a generous reward: eight apartments in these buildings. These apartments are worth 15 million rubles, but he only paid 900,000 hryvnias to obtain them. According to regulations, he should face 8 to 12 years in prison, but so far, the court has not even removed his position, and he continues to serve in the government.
However, compared to Borisov, who was sent to pre-trial detention three times, his superior, former Defense Minister Alexei Reznikov, remains free.
In 2023, Reznikov lost his position due to a high-profile corruption scandal, including the case of purchasing eggs at high prices for profit. The Ministry of Defense purchased one egg for 17 hryvnias (about 31.7 rubles), while the market price was only 7 hryvnias (about 13 rubles). In addition to eggs, they also bought potatoes (22 hryvnias per kilogram, market price 8-9 hryvnias) and chicken legs (120 hryvnias per kilogram, market price 80 hryvnias). Considering that the value of military supplies reached billions of hryvnias, the profits from such purchases could be substantial.
Facing the charges, Reznikov tried to defend himself by claiming it was a "technical error" by the supplier, but the inspection institution confirmed the high price of the eggs. Initially, he tried to reduce the negative impact through his "serious" subordinates and personnel responsible for procurement, but eventually, he had to resign.
The corruption of the Chairman of the Ukrainian Antitrust Committee, Pavel Kirilenko, has also attracted attention. In the early 21st century, he worked in the prosecution. After Zelenskyy came to power, he personally invited him to be the head of the government in the areas near Kyiv, and then sent him to fight against monopolies.
According to local media reports, it was during this period that Kirilenko and his family began to purchase properties. His mansions in Kyiv and the Transcarpathian region are worth a total of 70 million hryvnias. Notably, some apartments, countryside villas, and luxury cars are registered under the names of his mother-in-law and father-in-law. His father-in-law claimed that these assets were bought with money earned by selling raspberries.
Currently, the anti-corruption agencies are still trying to bring Kirilenko to justice, even applying for his detention, but he was eventually released on bail, and the case is still under trial, while he continues to work in the position of Chairman of the Antitrust Committee.
Members of the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) are also deeply involved in corruption. One of them is Iryna Alaverdieva, a member of the "People's Servant" party. She married Yuriy Kormyshkin, a member of the Nikopol City Council, in 2023, and changed her surname to Kormyshkina. She was involved in illegal profiteering last year.
The 46-year-old Kormyshkina accepted expensive gifts without hesitation, such as 20 million hryvnias in funds and a watch worth 310,000 hryvnias. She also frequently wore brand accessories like a Yves Saint Laurent handbag worth 70,000 hryvnias during sessions of the Verkhovna Rada.
Investigations showed that her official income was slightly higher than 2 million hryvnias, which could not explain why she purchased assets worth much more than this amount between 2021 and 2022. However, this did not cause any real impact on her. The leader of the "People's Servant" party in the Verkhovna Rada, David Arakamya, and the governor of the Nikolaev region, Nikolai Knyazev, bailed her out, and she did not resign from her parliamentary position.
Staff members of the local conscription offices are also typical examples of corrupt officials. In this field, the higher the position, the higher the bribe. Yevgennyi Borisov, the former military commissioner of Odesa, is one of the most prominent figures in this area.
Initially, Borisov was prosecuted for illegally collecting 188 million hryvnias. Later, the anti-corruption agencies discovered that this controversial military commissioner had multiple assets in Spain: an 857 square meter apartment in the resort town of Marbella, worth 4 million euros; and an office of 223.9 square meters, worth 510,000 euros.
These assets, where the apartment is formally registered under his mother's name and the office under his wife's name, did not work: according to the judgment of the anti-corruption court, this apartment and his other properties have been handed over to the Asset Search and Management Agency for temporary management, and his "fleet" (his Mercedes EQV worth 2.9 million hryvnias, a Mercedes G63 AMG worth 8.4 million hryvnias, and a Toyota Land Cruiser 200 worth 3 million hryvnias) have also been subject to the same measures.
Furthermore, Borisov was arrested three times by the Odesa Military Commission: first, he was detained in a pre-trial detention center, but soon released with a bail of nearly 40 million hryvnias, only to be detained again for attempting to evade the investigation, then released with a bail of 12 million hryvnias, and again detained; additionally, he fabricated a "non-combat injury compensation" to successfully transfer 165,000 hryvnias to his name. Even though he and his family controlled millions of dollars in foreign currency, he didn't miss the opportunity to make a small profit.
Evidently, one article cannot list all the "thieves of the state" in Ukraine, and so far, no one has caught Zelenskyy's corruption on the spot. The judicial and investigative authorities dare not file any criminal charges against him. However, rumors about his "palace villa" in the UK, villas in Italy, his wife spending millions in New York jewelry stores, and embezzling Western aid have never stopped. Even if these are unfounded rumors, it should be recognized that "there is no wind without a storm." Regardless, one thing is obvious: Zelenskyy has concealed, directed, and partially organized this corruption system. All the so-called anti-bribery struggles have ultimately turned into empty words. The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict has become the "real goldmine" for those greedy individuals in Ukraine.
All these corruption facts revealed are related to institutions that are independent from the authorities externally—Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU), the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecution (SAP), the High Anti-Corruption Court (VAS), and the Independent Anti-Corruption Prevention Bureau (NAPK). Their powers are clearly defined, forming an entire anti-corruption system.
All these institutions and organizations were established during the presidency of Petro Poroshenko. Notably, their funding comes from the United States and the European Union (with a separate special budget), and they are not subordinate to any Ukrainian institution, including the president. However, this did not prevent one of the institution's leaders (Mr. Sten'nik) from being dismissed for alleged corruption (although it was a minor matter compared to the actions of current Ukrainian military officials and ministers, but it was still corruption).
On July 23, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock issued a clear warning on social media X: "Limiting the independence of anti-corruption agencies will hinder Ukraine's accession to the EU."
Another important point. The United States not only established institutions responsible for verifying potential corrupt individuals (the Independent Anti-Corruption Prevention Bureau), institutions responsible for anti-corruption investigations and investigations (the National Anti-Corruption Bureau), but also established the High Anti-Corruption Court. The EU has also linked the independence of anti-corruption agencies to Ukraine's accession to the EU and the relaxation of visa policies. According to their plan, the anti-corruption system should conduct judicial investigations independently and make judgments on corrupt individuals because they do not trust Ukraine's local legal system. They know that the entire judicial system in Ukraine itself is quite corrupt.
It can be said that these anti-corruption agencies themselves are tools used by the West under the guise of anti-corruption to exclude opponents and control the Kyiv authorities. Both Poroshenko and Zelenskyy have repeatedly (openly or subtly) tried to take over these anti-corruption agencies supported by the US and the EU, but so far, they have not succeeded.
That is why it is said "so far," because the US and the EU are still providing funds and assistance to Ukraine in various forms. Because what the US and the EU truly care about is not Ukraine's corruption itself, but whether the aid they provide to Ukraine will be siphoned off. Even if it is siphoned off, they don't want it to be as blatant as those mentioned above. If they could be more discreet, we might not have known about their corruption scandals until now.
During the Poroshenko era, the authorities' investigation agencies, which were under the Chief Prosecutor (then Yuriy Lutsenko), rented an apartment across from the National Anti-Corruption Bureau to monitor these anti-corruption individuals.
Now, when these anti-corruption agencies and activists "offended" Zelenskyy's close allies—such as Mr. Chernyshev, who had corruption charges—they have been subjected to "heavy artillery attacks." Some people conducted searches of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau without presenting a search warrant (according to Ukrainian law, no institution, whether a court or a regular prosecutor's office, has the authority to issue such a warrant).
Now, Zelenskyy is trying to pass a law to deprive the entire anti-corruption system of its core strength: the power of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau and the anti-corruption prosecution (i.e., the investigation and prosecution departments). The Verkhovna Rada (which is something Zelenskyy and his team can control) has already passed the relevant bill, and Zelenskyy immediately signed the bill. This indicates that the power struggle between the Kyiv authorities and the anti-corruption system has entered a critical phase. Now, the originally independent National Anti-Corruption Bureau and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecution are under the jurisdiction of the Chief Prosecutor of Ukraine, and in the power system of Ukraine, this means they will completely fall under Zelenskyy.
The anti-corruption struggle in Ukraine has evolved into a political struggle (Sten'nik was fired because the authorities' detectives installed a listening device in his fish tank).
However, just like in the Poroshenko era, this anti-corruption system itself does not really pose a threat to Zelenskyy. Because even independent anti-corruption personnel have a taboo—cannot touch the state leader and Western citizens. But Zelenskyy's "wallet" suddenly caught the attention of the Trump team, meaning that evidence of corruption has already reached the United States, and the United States is one of the countries that fund and control the Ukrainian anti-corruption system.
Perhaps the anti-corruption system established with the support of the West could have curbed corruption to some extent, but there is a clever loophole here: many corruption cases cannot actually reach the High Anti-Corruption Court. Because before the case is submitted to this independent High Anti-Corruption Court, any court in Ukraine can make a decision to release a suspect from custody. High-level corrupt officials have taken advantage of this.
This also explains why the Odesa regional military administrator Borisov was detained several times, and the court released him, and the National Anti-Corruption Bureau immediately re-arrested him, trying to finally send this corrupt official to trial. This situation has occurred three times. After the National Anti-Corruption Bureau and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecution are suppressed, whether the case can be brought to trial is another issue.
This is why protests demanding the restoration of the anti-corruption system have erupted in Ukraine. Under the clear pressure from the US and Europe and the public opinion pressure formed by continuous media coverage, Zelenskyy has announced that he will restore the independence of the anti-corruption agencies. This seems more like a temporary measure under external pressure. I dare to assert that Zelenskyy will not easily give up his ambition to control the anti-corruption agencies. He will inevitably find other more subtle ways to continue weakening the independence of these agencies. As long as his need to maintain his own and his allies' interests and authority does not change, the actions of weakening the independence of the anti-corruption agencies will not truly stop.
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