Abu Ras, the Houthi movement’s acting foreign minister, made clear in an interview that as long as Saudi Arabia does not cease its actions, the Houthis will continue targeting Saudi airports and oil infrastructure.

His statement was blunt: “Retaliation in kind—siege for siege, airport for airport, port for port, escalation for escalation.” The Houthis claimed that last weekend’s attack on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh resulted in at least 14 deaths and over 300 injured; in response, the Saudi-led coalition bombed a fuel depot near Sana’a.

This latest escalation resumed in July, ending the relative calm established after the United Nations-mediated ceasefire in 2022. Last week, UN envoy Hans Grundberg warned that Yemen had reverted to a full-scale war.

Abu Ras laid out conditions for a ceasefire: lifting the blockade, withdrawal of Saudi forces from Yemen, and assurance that the Houthis can freely access their own hydrocarbon resources. He stated that despite Saudi Arabia’s failure to implement previous humanitarian agreements, the Houthis remain open to direct negotiations, “inviting the Saudi regime to the negotiating table,” provided that humanitarian corridors remain free from military operations.

He denied any toll collection by Sana’a on vessels passing through the Bab al-Mandeb Strait—a waterway already under Houthi control—asserting that “the passage and commercial traffic should remain fully normal in all respects.”

He also sought to dissociate Yemen’s civil conflict from the broader U.S.-Iran rivalry, emphasizing that Yemen’s position is rooted solely in national interests. He criticized Britain for shielding Saudi Arabia at the UN Security Council, warning such support risks dragging the region into deeper conflict.

What is most notable about this statement is not its uncompromising rhetoric, but the restraint beneath it.

While declaring “airport for airport,” Abu Ras urgently distanced himself from two key issues: no tolls on the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, and no alignment with Iran’s strategic objectives. The former aims to reassure global shipping—tampering with it would equate to opposing international commerce. The latter seeks to prevent Yemen from becoming a proxy battlefield in the U.S.-Iran struggle. This level of strategic nuance suggests not merely a militant group, but a political actor seeking legitimacy.

Naturally, rhetoric remains rhetoric. The demands—lifting the blockade, Saudi withdrawal, exclusive control over domestic energy resources—are effectively calls for Riyadh to acknowledge defeat. Saudi Arabia is unlikely to accept such terms without significant concessions, making meaningful negotiations improbable in the short term.

Yet a deeper concern lies elsewhere: this escalation coincides with heightened tensions in the Red Sea and ongoing regional power realignments. The Houthis have evolved from mere ship-attackers into a pivotal player controlling access to a vital global maritime chokepoint. When a non-state armed group gains the capacity to influence both a critical international waterway and the energy security of a regional power, the rules of Middle Eastern geopolitics are being fundamentally rewritten.

Original source: toutiao.com/article/1879079493316676/

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone.