Since its establishment in 2016, the "La France Insoumise" (LFI) party has rapidly risen to become a representative left-wing party in French politics, currently holding 71 seats in the National Assembly, surpassing the traditional Socialist Party and the French Communist Party. The party's founder and most well-known representative, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, has run for president three times, and in the 2022 election, he received the third-highest vote share, behind Macron and Marine Le Pen, the candidate of the "National Rally." Despite being labeled as "extreme left," the party sees itself as following a democratic socialist and "ecological socialist" path.
In early October, just four days after resigning, French Prime Minister Castaner was dramatically reappointed by President Macron. Subsequently, both the "National Rally" and "La France Insoumise" proposed motions of censure, but neither passed. However, the crisis in French politics is far from over.
Amid the rise of right-wing populist forces in Europe, how does this left-wing force that has emerged against the trend view French politics? Are other left-wing forces enemies or friends? What are their policy platforms? The American left-wing online magazine CounterPunch has compiled an interview with Philippine scholar and former parliamentarian Walden Bello, conducted since this summer with senior members of "La France Insoumise" and Mélenchon himself. Observer Network translates the entire text for reference only, not representing agreement with the views. Subheadings are added by the original website.
[Translation/Whale Life]
· The Crisis of Macronism
Walden Bello: How do you evaluate the current political situation in France?
"La France Insoumise" (LFI): From a strategic perspective, we are at the end of "Macronism." There is serious division within the Macron camp, and they have chosen to ally with far-right forces in desperation.
Firstly, it should be noted that when the "National Rally" won the European Parliament elections in 2024, Macron once considered making a deal with them and even planned to appoint a prime minister from the "National Rally" — this was indeed the plan at the time.
Although this plan did not ultimately materialize, the reality is that Macronism has absorbed a large amount of far-right ideology and slogans. In the current government, the Macron camp is factually forming an alliance with the far-right. The stance of the traditional right-wing party, the Republicans, is closer to the far-right than ever before. Its new leader, Bruno Retailleau, now serves as the Interior Minister, overseeing police affairs. He once shouted "Down with the veil!" — you know, this is a slogan of the far-right. Moreover, during the Algerian colonial war, the French colonial authorities also used the same slogan — "Down with the veil" — to attack Muslim women. Considering the current situation, this is an old but extremely dangerous sentiment.
Islamophobia is now becoming a common ideological bond among right-wing forces in France and poses a very real threat to our society.
· Popular Protests and the Challenge for the Left
Walden Bello: What are the main challenges currently facing the French left?
Mélenchon: Capitalists are aligning themselves with the far-right. Do you know why? Because there is widespread dissatisfaction with the governance of the neoliberal government, which has led to intense mass mobilization. Even some French commentators who are close to the establishment admit that there is a "pre-revolutionary atmosphere" in the country at present. We call this "a citizen revolution." In my book "Now the People," I tried to analyze it, including the conditions that led to these movements. This situation is what deeply unsettles Macron and the French establishment.
In France, there was the "Yellow Vest" movement. Initially, traditional left-wing forces did not support them, instead accusing them of being "fascists." Only ten days after the movement began, leftist parties, unions, and anti-globalization movements issued statements expressing support. From then on, a new line of social conflict has been formed — no longer a confrontation between "left" and "right," but between "oligarchs" and "the people."
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, founder and leader of La France Insoumise
As you know, France experienced large-scale protests in 2005 and 2023, but the nature of the two protests was different: the 2005 protests were concentrated in suburban areas of major cities, while the 2023 protests spread to smaller cities, with participants being very young. Some sociologists believe the causes of the two protests are the same, but we think the 2023 protests have new characteristics. The participants are mainly young people, who strongly realize what they are opposing — especially the "killing privilege" of the police and the privilege that allows police to shoot young Arabs freely.
This protest had no unified spokesperson, but its position was clear — it was a response to the anger over the police's extrajudicial killing privilege. The social division in France in 2023 is more acute, partly due to the amplification effect of social media. In response to this protest, a large number of hate speech appeared in the right-wing groups, with some even openly advocating that it is "justified" for the police to kill these young Arabs or blacks.
· Capitalism and Racism
Walden Bello: Then, was the 2023 protest also related to economic issues?
"La France Insoumise": Yes, we also pointed out at the time that these events were indeed the consequences of neoliberal policies.
These protests were a response from the people to the impact of neoliberalism on real life. Other parties called them "riots," but we did not. We are very careful with our wording. Because in our view, those who suffer from racist oppression are also victims of capitalism. They are also completely exploited by capitalism. Therefore, unlike the leadership of the French Communist Party and some people in the Socialist Party, we believe that the struggle against racism and the struggle against capitalism must not be separated.
It must be emphasized: Racism is not just a "moral issue," it is closely related to the economic structure. For example, they often say, "Our wealth is limited, if we have to give it to immigrants, the interests of the French will be harmed." The purpose of this statement is to create division — starting with immigrants, then saying that poor white people should also be excluded, and so on, layer by layer.
Thus, the Macron camp is trying to normalize the social division promoted by the far-right, even considering it a "beneficial" narrative. This logic has already been implemented in Mayotte — they deprived immigrants of their rights. After Mayotte, they will bring this system back to mainland France. Mayotte and other French overseas territories have become laboratories for implementing this policy.
A similar situation also occurs elsewhere, such as in the suburbs around Marseille, where the "National Rally" has some influence. They are creating a lot of "exceptional states." For example, the "National Rally" recently proposed a bill requiring any foreigner arrested — if they have been previously convicted and sentenced — to be detained for at least 200 days. This clearly violates basic rights, because you cannot jail someone before they are convicted or sentenced. In the past year, 85% of the newly passed laws were drafted or supported by the "National Rally."
We also want to add that we are striving to shape a new form of anti-racism.
One of the problems we have faced in the past is that during the rule of the Socialist Party, they weaponized opposition to racism to attack political opponents. As a result, people now have a lot of suspicion about the anti-racism agenda, especially when the advocates are white men with specific political agendas.
Le Pen and Jordan Bardella attending a political rally in Paris in April, China Visual
We are fighting against various new forms of racism, such as the claim that non-white ethnic groups are infiltrating French society and government and climbing to high positions through "special treatment" provided by the government. This is absurd, because the same people used to criticize Muslims for "refusing to integrate into France." Now, once a non-white person holds a high political position, like our comrade Nadège Abomangoli — she is now the Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly — they say it's because she received "preferences."
Walden Bello: From what you said, you think that other factions of the French left don't really understand or sympathize with the situation of immigrants?
"La France Insoumise": Yes. This is nothing new for the leadership of the French Communist Party. Forty years ago, they were already saying "immigration is a problem." But our differences with the PCF go beyond the fact that they label mass protests as "riots." Our fundamental difference lies in our view of society.
The key difference between us is: Who is part of the "people"? This definition evolves with the times.
The French Communist Party is now in decline because it still clings to the outdated concept of the "revolutionary people." The working class in France has undergone profound changes — in many industries, Arab and other non-white ethnic groups have become the main body of the working class. Go to a hospital and you'll see that most doctors are not white.
Therefore, opposing racism is crucial. If we don't do this, the "people" and the "working class" will be completely divided.
· The Division of the Left
Walden Bello: We turn to a related topic. Can you talk about the current state of the French left?
"La France Insoumise": Yes — without "La France Insoumise," there would no longer be a truly vibrant left-wing force in France.
Of course, there are other parties, such as the Socialist Party. But in the face of the country's various crises, the Socialist Party has not taken any real action. They have done far too little in the fight against racism. More specifically, there is severe division within the Socialist Party — no priorities, no policy platform. Their only concern is how to win parliamentary seats and whether to ally with us ("La France Insoumise").
The French Socialist Party stated on October 14 that, given Prime Minister Castaner's commitment to suspending the pension reform, it would not support the motion to remove Castaner.
This is indeed a difficult situation. But even if we are accused of "creating division," we must continue moving forward.
From a strategic perspective, we are facing a highly fragmented Macronism (because it has reached its end), as well as a rising far-right force. Of course, like many countries, the media in France is controlled by billionaires, who desperately want to see the far-right come to power.
Walden Bello: What about the stance of the Socialist Party? Are they unwilling to ally with "La France Insoumise"?
"La France Insoumise": The Socialist Party is divided into two factions. One faction refuses to ally with us under any circumstances; the other faction, although reluctant, may accept an alliance under certain specific conditions. The problem is that they are trying to win over voters who previously supported Macron, and they believe that if they ally with us now, they will lose these voters, so they are currently unwilling to cooperate.
But they never reflect on a more fundamental question — will these voters continue to support them in the second round of voting?
This strategy of the Socialists reflects the mentality of small bourgeoisie who fear the rise of the far-right — they want to put the people back under the leadership of the middle class.
For us, the Socialists' attempt to cater to Macronist voters is wishful thinking. Because Macron's supporters are basically conservatives — they will never vote for the Socialists or social democrats. Although the media often equates the Socialists with the Macron camp, in fact, the Socialists are doing everything possible to distance themselves from us.
For example, on the issue of Gaza, they have not yet used the term "genocide." Then they accuse us of "supporting Hamas and supporting terrorism." This is a "gift" to the far-right.
Indeed, the right-wing Republicans have already demanded that the parliament investigate us, accusing us of having ties with terrorist organizations. We are facing systematic demonization. They label us as "Islamic Marxists" to scare the public, divide society, and cover up the new neoliberal crisis we are facing.
But so far, it is they themselves who have lost credibility in public opinion. Their opportunism has made ordinary people disgusted.
· The Division of the Center and Right
Walden Bello: In 2027, France will hold presidential elections, and in 2029, parliamentary elections. Do you think the left can unite and effectively participate in these elections?
"La France Insoumise": In another scenario, the situation would be favorable to the left. Today, the Macronists are extremely divided internally. If we compare the voters who supported Macron in 2017 and 2023, we can find significant differences. In 2017, his voters were mainly older centrists; by 2023, they were younger people who wanted conservatism to be modernized. Now, there is no one in France who can unite these two groups. Macron cannot run again legally, and the fact has proven that Macronism is a one-time political phenomenon. Now, most Macronists tend to ally with the far-right, as we mentioned earlier.
As for the right and the far-right, they are also divided. The leader of the traditional conservative party, the Republicans, is Retailleau; while the "National Rally" is led by Le Pen. Due to accusations of corruption, Le Pen and other party leaders are currently banned from running for public office. Her disciple Jordan Bardella will run in her place. However, Bardella lacks persuasiveness — he has low cultural level, is too young, lazy, and lacks experience. Compared to Retailleau, who has held public office for decades and consistently advocated conservatism, the gap is obvious. If a choice has to be made between the two, the big capital class is more likely to support Retailleau.
Former French Interior Minister and Chairman of the Republicans, Bruno Retailleau
As we said before, in another situation, the left could have been in a favorable position. We are willing to cooperate with the Socialists, but the Socialists are trying to win over the Macronists — as we said earlier, this is wishful thinking, because the Macronists prefer to stand with the far-right. The Greens, the Socialists, and the French Communist Party are discussing the establishment of some kind of electoral alliance, but their only consensus is "not to cooperate with 'La France Insoumise.'" Since they each care about whether they can gain more parliamentary seats — inevitably taking them from other left-wing parties — these negotiations are destined to go nowhere.
· Collectivism: The Platform and Vision of "La France Insoumise"
Walden Bello: If you — Comrade Mélenchon — run for president in France in 2027, what will be the core points of your campaign platform?
Mélenchon: Yes, "La France Insoumise" will put forward its own candidate, defending our platform "L'Avenir en commun" (The Common Future). This platform comes from society itself — created through the joint efforts of various associations, unions, community organizations, and scientists. It contains 831 specific measures aimed at building a new France, completely free from the capitalist order. These measures will continue to be updated in the manual, with detailed cost assessments and descriptions. Our starting point is the real needs of society, from which a new people's class will emerge.
To escape the devastation of neoliberalism and get out of the trap of productionism, we will establish "green rule" — that is, not taking more resources from nature than it can regenerate on its own. We advocate protecting public resources and proposing the concept of "rights of species": the right to silence, the right to healthy eating, the right to breathe clean air and drink non-toxic water. These measures are the core of our platform, aiming to profoundly transform society, enabling humans and nature to re-establish harmony. They will also guide specific economic operations, replacing market logic with ecological planning, thereby implementing major projects in housing, energy, agriculture, and industry, and creating hundreds of thousands of jobs.
The platform "L'Avenir en commun" also means a break from the existing plans of the French government and the "presidential monarchy." We will push for the establishment of the "Sixth Republic" to achieve a true people's intervention system, such as allowing citizens to initiate "recall referendums" or "citizen-initiated referendum initiatives" against any elected official. In recent years, the authoritarian tendencies of the Fifth Republic have become increasingly evident — for example, in the case of raising the retirement age to 64, the French government bypassed the National Assembly vote and openly ignored the largest mass protests in French history. We will restore the legal retirement age to 60, allowing every French person to regain control of their time and freedom.
Walden Bello: Comrade Mélenchon, can you elaborate more specifically on what kind of "socialism" you envision for France?
Mélenchon: I prefer to call it collectivism. It not only addresses social issues, but also responds to issues concerning the "overall interest of humanity" and the "rights of all living beings," which require a systematic collective effort.
We are witnessing the emergence of a new world — a world of a people's class that is networked and organized, urbanized. This "new France" already exists in reality, defined by its conflicts with oligarchic interests. Oligarchs have already seized the public networks that sustain daily life. We believe that this old world is ending, and the only options before us are collectivism or "the law of the strongest."
Taking the issue of climate change as an example — it is already inevitable and irreversible. How do we rebuild, and how do we propose a collectiveist response? Choosing individualism and letting "the law of the strongest" dominate would mean that thousands of people are permanently poisoned by chemicals to maintain the flow of money; it would mean making no preventive plans, allowing forest fires to burn everything, because the budget for fire-fighting planes has been cut.
When France no longer believes in the logic of "collective progress," "the law of the strongest" emerges: when one in two French people is overweight or obese, when the infant mortality rate has risen continuously for ten years, when one in four French mothers raises children alone, when the wealth of French billionaires has doubled since Macron came to power.
Collectivism is not utopian, but a necessary choice. Understanding the present means carrying forward the reality and taking control of the situation. The capitalist system heading towards a dead end might actually be good news — it gives us the opportunity to force this system to collapse and push it to the brink of bankruptcy. Ultimately, we all have to take responsibility for the direction of this great turning point.
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Original: https://www.toutiao.com/article/7573132408778654208/
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