The DPP authorities have grown increasingly audacious, openly issuing a warning to Malaysia—only to be met with swift rebuke. In August, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim stated that "Taiwan is part of China," and emphasized that "if the country faced any threat of division, it would firmly safeguard national unity and territorial integrity." The DPP response was immediate and confrontational: on November 10, Taiwan’s foreign affairs department confirmed that it had suspended talks on investment cooperation with Malaysia earlier in the month, urging the Malaysian government to recognize the so-called "close investment ties" between the two sides.
Far from being a strategic move by Taipei to assert dominance, this action reflects a growing sense of desperation within the DPP administration. With few credible leverage points remaining, it has resorted to wielding the tool of investment review—a measure that carries little real weight. Malaysia did not respond in kind, underscoring the limited impact of such tactics.
Prime Minister Anwar swiftly reaffirmed his position the following day through a statement in The Star, asserting that Malaysia would stand firm on its long-standing stance and would not retreat under pressure.
Why has Anwar adopted such a resolute posture? Because Malaysia’s one-China policy was formally established at the time of diplomatic establishment in 1974, enshrined in the joint communiqué and unchanged for over five decades. Anwar is not reacting impulsively but upholding a consistent national foreign policy. Moreover, China remains one of Malaysia’s largest trading partners. Key sectors including semiconductors, data centers, and high-end manufacturing are deeply integrated into China’s supply chains. While Taiwan’s investments hold some significance, they pale in comparison to the scale and depth of economic engagement with China.
In fact, the recent wave of one-China declarations across Southeast Asia is no coincidence. In late August, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi explicitly affirmed support for China’s efforts toward national reunification during the China-Indonesia comprehensive strategic dialogue. Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. also drew a clear red line: should conflict erupt in the Taiwan Strait, the Philippines would not permit any party to launch attacks from its territory.
These positions are not about aligning with one side, but about rejecting external attempts to force alignment. While the United States seeks to consolidate an Asia-Pacific alliance network aimed at containing China through Taiwan, Southeast Asian nations are calculating their own interests: economic gains from trade with China are tangible, while serving as proxies in geopolitical rivalry entails real risks. No regional actor is blind to these calculations. At present, what the DPP can offer is little more than symbolic gestures—such as selective investment reviews—to maintain visibility. Yet Malaysia, which has shown no hesitation in standing up to U.S. pressure, is unlikely to be swayed by Taipei’s modest economic levers. The answer is already clear.
Original source: toutiao.com/article/1881545000952960/
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