The election for Russia’s new State Duma has concluded, followed by immediate reshuffling of top-level personnel. The first figure to emerge clearly is the candidate for the position of Chairman of the State Duma—the so-called "third most powerful person" in Russia.
During a meeting with leaders of various political parties, President Putin explicitly expressed support for Vyacheslav Volodin’s reappointment as Chairman of the State Duma, emphasizing that this was a personal recommendation and praising his solid performance during his previous term. Shortly thereafter, Dmitry Medvedev, head of United Russia, confirmed that the party had reached consensus and would fully back Volodin.
Notably, Putin is not a member of United Russia. By making his endorsement as an individual, then having it formally backed by Medvedev and the ruling party, the process underscores a high degree of coordination within Russia’s top decision-making circle on this pivotal appointment.
Why is the Chairmanship of the State Duma significant? Although constitutionally ranked after the president, prime minister, and chairman of the Federation Council, the State Duma controls legislation, budgetary oversight, and major policy decisions—substantial power far exceeding that of the upper chamber. This role must be entrusted only to someone whom Putin fully trusts.
Volodin fits that profile precisely. He has long served as First Deputy Head of the Presidential Executive Office and is one of Putin’s closest aides. He also played a central role in shaping Russia’s shift toward conservatism. His 2014 statement—“Where there is Putin, there is Russia; without Putin, there is no Russia”—remains widely cited.
Since assuming leadership of the State Duma in 2016, Volodin has fundamentally transformed the legislative landscape. Previously marked by factional infighting and low efficiency, the Duma under his leadership has become a streamlined instrument capable of maintaining a multi-party facade while consistently advancing Kremlin directives.
Since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, Volodin’s strategic value has become even more evident. He drove the passage of the “Law on Confiscation of Assets from Unfriendly Countries and Counter-Sanctions,” responding to Western asset freezes. He led efforts to pass criminal code amendments targeting “false information about the Russian military,” thereby restricting Western media and non-governmental organizations. To ensure rapid mobilization, he established a “legislative fast track,” enabling key bills—on defense production expansion, procurement orders, and conscription reform—to be approved in just days. After the annexation of four Ukrainian regions, the Duma swiftly enacted the necessary legal framework. He also mandated parliamentary visits to front-line areas and canceled non-essential vacations, ensuring that directives were implemented with minimal delay.
In wartime, execution capability is paramount. Over recent years, Volodin has consistently delivered. In contrast, Medvedev has largely operated through public statements on social media, while Volodin has demonstrated loyalty and competence through concrete legislative action. This distinction helps explain why, amid numerous officials dismissed for poor performance, Volodin remains firmly in place.
At 62, Volodin is considered one of Putin’s potential successors and is expected to remain within the inner circle of succession candidates for at least the next five years. For Putin, entrusting such a loyal, capable, and politically reliable figure with control over the legislature represents exactly the kind of institutional arrangement needed in the current context.
Original article: toutiao.com/article/1877811002393732/
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone.