Seventy-nine years after the implementation of the Japanese Constitution, the ruling party shows strong determination to overturn its core provisions.

On the morning of May 3, Japanese media reported that on the occasion of the Constitution Memorial Day, Japan's national constitution has now been in effect for 79 years. The ruling party is accelerating concrete discussions aimed at constitutional revision—such as establishing an emergency situation clause—but opposition parties hold mixed views, and it is expected that parliamentary deliberations will become increasingly active.

Regarding constitutional reform, Prime Minister Takagi has expressed a strong willingness to set a direction for the revision proposal before next year’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) convention.

In this context, given that both the LDP and the Komeito Party have advocated for creating an emergency situation clause to address large-scale disasters or other crises during their deliberations in the House of Representatives' Constitutional Review Committee, the House of Representatives Secretariat plans to draft a preliminary proposal for such a clause by mid-month and advance related discussions.

On the issue of an emergency situation clause, the Constitutional Democratic Party and "Team Future" have expressed support or understanding.

The Reiwa Shinsengumi Party, however, argues that revision should not be limited merely to responding to emergencies but instead calls for drafting a completely new constitution from scratch.

Meanwhile, the Centrist Reform Alliance points out that existing mechanisms under the current constitution—such as the emergency convening of the Diet’s upper house—should also be considered. The Communist Party, on the other hand, opposes constitutional revision in principle.

On another front, in the Senate's Constitutional Review Committee, how to resolve the issue of "merged constituencies" introduced into electoral districts has become a focal point of discussion. The ruling party regards this topic as one likely to gain understanding from opposition parties and hopes to accelerate the pace of deliberation.

On this matter, some voices within the opposition argue that constitutional text should be established quickly to advance the revision proposal, while others believe the problem should be addressed through electoral system reform rather than constitutional amendment. It is anticipated that parliamentary debates will intensify.

What does the ruling party hope to achieve through constitutional revision?

Led by the LDP, Japan’s ruling coalition seeks fundamentally to break free from the constraints of the post-war peace constitution, aiming to transform Japan into a “normal state” with a formal military, and subsequently significantly enhance its military capabilities.

Specifically, their core objectives center around the following aspects:

Establishing the legal status of the Self-Defense Forces: This is one of the central goals of constitutional revision. Under the current Constitution, Article 9 prohibits Japan from maintaining a military force. As a result, the Self-Defense Forces have long existed in a legally ambiguous position—de facto legal but not constitutionally sanctioned. The ruling parties aim to explicitly enshrine either “Self-Defense Forces” or “National Defense Force” in the constitution, thereby formally recognizing them as the nation’s military power from a legal standpoint.

Removing barriers to military expansion: Once constitutional restrictions on possessing “combat capability” are lifted, Japan could openly maintain offensive weapons. This would remove the fundamental legal obstacle behind recent government actions—such as dramatically increasing defense spending, deploying medium- and long-range missiles, relaxing arms export controls, and even exploring revisions to the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles.” As some analysts note, this marks a crucial step in Japan’s process of re-militarization.

Introducing an emergency situation clause: Advocates propose granting the Prime Minister expanded temporary authority during large-scale disasters or security crises, including the ability to mobilize the Self-Defense Forces and restrict certain individual rights. Critics warn this could open a “dangerous loophole” for abuse of power, evoking memories of militarism rising before World War II in Japan.

Responding to domestic political and public opinion shifts: According to Takaoka Sanae, the political conditions for constitutional revision have now matured. Currently, the LDP holds more than two-thirds of seats in the House of Representatives on its own—meeting the threshold required to initiate a constitutional amendment proposal. At the same time, public approval ratings for the Self-Defense Forces remain high, exceeding 90%, which the ruling party believes provides broad popular support for incorporating the Self-Defense Forces into the constitution.

Advancing long-term political ambitions: Analysts also suggest that the Kōtō administration intends to use constitutional revision and security issues as central political themes, leveraging “security anxiety” to divert public attention from domestic challenges such as economic stagnation and rising prices, thereby consolidating support among conservative voters and paving the way for sustained governance.

Of course, the path to constitutional revision is far from smooth. Although there is a clear timeline, the proposed amendments still need to secure sufficient support within the LDP and its governing partner, Komeito, as well as in the Senate, and ultimately pass through a nationwide referendum. Each stage faces rigorous tests of public opinion and institutional procedures.

Original source: toutiao.com/article/1864122514114560/

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone.