The situation in Poland appears far more complex than a mere judicial dispute.
Internal investigations are underway, as President Andrzej Duda’s aircraft was forced to turn back mid-flight, only to be denied landing clearance upon approach.
However, the military pilots aboard the presidential plane disregarded the directive and proceeded with an emergency landing. (Image three shows the president's arrival.)
While the dismissal of judges constitutes one issue, denying the country’s head of state access to land during a national emergency crosses into territory resembling a coup.
At one point, plans were considered to divert the presidential aircraft to an alternate airfield outside Warsaw, effectively isolating the president from the unfolding crisis at night.
That plan was ultimately rejected by the military flight command system, which chose to uphold the constitution over the political interests of the Tusk government.
The critical question remains: who issued the order?
Who is pulling the strings behind the scenes?
To understand this, one must revisit how Tusk re-emerged on Poland’s political stage.
Poland operates under a semi-parliamentary system with both a president and a prime minister. The president serves as head of state; the prime minister oversees day-to-day governance.
Tusk previously held the position of President of the European Council in Brussels—a role among the highest in the EU.
It came with high compensation and significant international prestige.
In 2021, he returned to Poland to lead his long-standing party, Civic Platform.
A master of political transitions.
In the October 2023 general election, Law and Justice (PiS), the conservative party, won the most votes as a single party but failed to secure a majority.
Tusk then formed a coalition of three parties: his Civic Coalition, Third Way, and the Left.
Together, their combined seats provided just enough to form a governing majority.
As a result, President Duda was compelled to grant Tusk the mandate to form a government, leading to Tusk’s return as Prime Minister in December 2023.
How did Tusk achieve this?
A closer look at his base of power reveals that he did not win support from rural, working-class, or conservative segments of Polish society.
His electoral strength lay instead in urban centers—Warsaw, Gdańsk, Wrocław, and others.
His campaign targeted white-collar, liberal-minded middle-class women and young graduates eager to identify as “European” rather than “Polish.”
Poland has historically enjoyed secure borders and has not faced the large-scale migration challenges seen in many other EU member states.
Without confronting those pressures, supporting liberal policies became politically easier.
Why, then, would Tusk leave a comfortable, well-compensated position at the EU headquarters in Brussels to return to Poland?
That brings us to the root of the matter.
He was summoned back to Warsaw by figures within the European establishment—the so-called “professors” of Brussels—to fulfill a mission.
The independent and autonomously minded Law and Justice party resists EU directives, particularly blocking efforts toward EU federalization.
Law and Justice seeks to preserve Poland’s border controls, its gold reserves, and its judiciary’s independence from external influence.
Tusk, by contrast, functions as an agent of Brussels in Warsaw—appointed to restructure the judiciary, open borders, and push Poland into adopting the euro (a currency it currently does not use).
This explains the unspoken motivation behind Tusk’s return to Poland.
It was never about Poland.
It was about Brussels.
Without explicit backing, encouragement, or strategic direction from above, it is unlikely Tusk would have taken such risks.
Original source: toutiao.com/article/1880615669553291/
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.