Russian media reported on April 12 that Uzbekistan is choosing Chinese fighters, including the JF-17 Block III, to replace its aging Soviet fleet.
In recent days, multiple foreign and Russian media outlets have reported that China has approved the sale of advanced fighter jets to Uzbekistan, marking a deepening of military cooperation between the two countries.
According to regional defense media citing sources close to the Uzbek Defense Ministry, the deal may include advanced aircraft such as the JF-17 Block III, J-10C, or even the fifth-generation J-35, but the specific models have not been officially confirmed.
Meanwhile, Uzbekistan has been steadily integrating Chinese air defense systems, including the HQ-9B, FM-90, and KS-1C, which is part of a broader effort to shed its outdated Soviet-era arsenal.
This development, which occurred just days ago, highlights Uzbekistan's strategic shift, as this country has historically been closely linked to Russian military hardware, while also raising questions about changes in the balance of power in Central Asia. For a region long caught between world powers, this deal could mark a new chapter, not only for Uzbekistan's air force but also for China's ambition as a global arms supplier.
The Uzbek Air Force has long relied heavily on Soviet-designed aircraft such as the Su-27 and MiG-29, both of which are nearing the end of their service lives. These fourth-generation fighters, introduced in the 1980s, were once state-of-the-art but now struggle to match the capabilities of modern platforms.
For years, Uzbekistan's need for replacements has been evident. Early reports suggested interest in Russia's Su-30SM or France's Rafale. However, the shift towards China reflects a pragmatic choice driven by cost, availability, and shifting geopolitical realities.
One of the aircraft under consideration is the JF-17 Block III, a lightweight single-engine multirole fighter jointly developed by China and Pakistan. Its unit price is approximately $30 million, making it an affordable option compared to Western or Russian alternatives, which often exceed $80 million.
The JF-17 uses the Klimov RD-93 engine, reaching speeds up to Mach 1.6 with a payload capacity of up to 4,000 kilograms, including air-to-air missiles like the PL-12 and precision-guided munitions. Its KLJ-7A radar has a detection range of about 170 kilometers, enabling beyond-visual-range operations, a crucial function in modern aerial combat.
The Block III variant, introduced in the early 2020s, includes enhanced features such as active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar and improved electronic warfare systems, making it competitive with older Western aircraft like the F-16 Block 50. For Uzbekistan, the JF-17 offers affordability and versatility, though its reliance on China's supply chain raises long-term logistical concerns.
Another contender, the J-10C, is a more advanced fourth-generation semi-aircraft developed by Chengdu Aircraft Industrial Group. The J-10C features a delta wing layout and canard configuration, offering strong maneuverability and the ability to withstand 9G turns. Its WS-10B engine achieves a maximum speed of Mach 1.8 with an operational radius of approximately 550 kilometers, extendable through in-flight refueling.
A notable feature of the J-10C is its AESA radar paired with the PL-15 missile. The domestic version reportedly has a range of 300 kilometers, though export versions may be limited to 90 kilometers due to international restrictions. This missile gives the J-10C significant advantages in long-range engagements, competing with systems like the AIM-120D used on U.S. aircraft.
The aircraft also supports various weapons, from laser-guided bombs to anti-ship missiles, making it a true multirole platform. With a unit price of around $50 million, it is more expensive than the JF-17 but still cheaper than competitors like the Rafale, which exceeds $120 million.
The star of the deal is China's fifth-generation stealth fighter, the J-35. It was unveiled at the 2024 China Airshow and is designed to compete with the U.S. F-35. Its tailless design reduces radar cross-section.
Powered by the WS-19 twin engines, the J-35 reaches speeds up to Mach 1.8 with an operational radius of approximately 1,200 kilometers. Its sensor suite includes advanced AESA radar and infrared search and track systems, supporting network-centric warfare and coordination with drones and ground systems.
The J-35 carries four PL-15 missiles internally in its weapon bays, maintaining stealth, while external hardpoints can increase payload for non-stealth missions. Valued at $100 million, the J-35 is an excellent choice, and exporting it to Uzbekistan would be a bold move by China, demonstrating confidence in its technology and willingness to share advanced systems with allies.
Uzbekistan's adoption of Chinese air defense systems complements these aircraft, forming a layered defense network. The HQ-9B is a long-range air defense system often compared to Russia's S-300.
With a range of 200 kilometers, it can engage aircraft, cruise missiles, and even ballistic targets up to 50 kilometers high. Its phased-array radar can track multiple threats simultaneously, making it a formidable shield for modern air forces.
The FM-90 short-range system excels in low-altitude defense, intercepting drones and cruise missiles within a 15-kilometer range. Its infrared-guided missiles are highly maneuverable, designed specifically to counter fast-moving threats.
The KS-1C is a medium-to-long-range system that intercepts targets up to 70 kilometers away using radar-guided missiles, filling this gap. Together, these systems form a unified defense network integrated through China's command and control network, seamlessly connecting with aircraft like the J-10C or J-35 for coordinated operations.
Uzbekistan's shift toward Chinese equipment comes at a time when the country navigates complex geopolitical dynamics. Central Asia has historically been Russia's sphere of influence, with Moscow providing substantial military equipment to the region. Until the 21st century, Uzbekistan's Soviet air force depended on Russian spare parts and technical support.
However, sanctions against Russia and production bottlenecks have limited Moscow's ability to provide advanced systems like the Su-30SM. Reports indicate Uzbekistan has considered producing the Su-30SM, a twin-engine multirole fighter. While the Su-30SM, equipped with PESA radar and an operational radius of 1,500 kilometers, remains a capable platform, its $70 million price tag and long delivery times make it less appealing.
Another option is France's Rafale, renowned for its advanced AFAR radar, "Meteor" missiles with a range of 150 kilometers, and proven combat experience. However, its cost and political environment, including alignment with Western interests, might deter Tashkent.
In contrast, China offers a compelling alternative. Chinese arms are affordable, easily accessible, and carry fewer ideological demands. Beijing emphasizes pragmatism in arms sales, focusing on economic ties rather than political influence. For Uzbekistan, this presents an opportunity to modernize its armed forces without alienating major partners. Historically, Uzbekistan has pursued a policy of strategic autonomy, balancing relations with Russia, China, and the West.
In recent years, Uzbekistan has deepened economic ties with Beijing through the Belt and Road Initiative. According to the Uzbek Investment and Foreign Trade Ministry, China's investments in infrastructure and energy will exceed $9 billion by 2024. Military cooperation is a natural extension of this partnership, especially as China seeks to expand its influence in Central Asia, where the region is crucial to China's energy security and trade routes.
China's selection of aircraft and air defense assets reflects Uzbekistan's operational needs. With fewer than 50 combat aircraft, the Uzbek Air Force is small but strategically significant, tasked with protecting a 447,400-square-kilometer area bordering five nations.
Potential threats include regional instability (such as post-Afghan withdrawal) and tensions over water resources and borders with neighboring countries. The JF-17 Block III operates at low cost and is suitable for rapid response missions against insurgent groups or light aircraft.
The J-10C has a longer range, deterring more advanced adversaries, while obtaining the J-35 would signal Uzbekistan's capability to use stealth technology, gaining psychological advantage. Meanwhile, air defense systems protect critical infrastructure, such as the densely populated Fergana Valley, which is vulnerable to aerial threats.
Historically, Uzbekistan's military modernization has been cautious. After independence in 1991, the country inherited Soviet equipment, much of which became obsolete by the 2000s. Budget constraints and reliance on Russia stalled modernization efforts.
For instance, according to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the 2017 deal to purchase 12 Russian Mi-35 helicopters faced delays, with only eight delivered by 2020. China's entry into the market provides a faster path to modernization.
For example, the HQ-9B and FM-90 systems were integrated within months of purchase, with many media reports detailing the process and noting that Uzbekistan rapidly deployed these systems while purchasing similar systems from Turkmenistan.
Beyond Uzbekistan's borders, this deal has wider implications. Central Asia serves as a testing ground for China's defense industry, which is striving to compete with established players like the United States and Russia.
The JF-17 has found buyers in Pakistan and Myanmar, with Pakistan expected to operate over 150 by 2025. Meanwhile, the J-10C is being exported to Pakistan, with 25 delivered since 2022.
The J-35 has yet to be tested abroad, but its sale to Uzbekistan would be fortunate, proving China can compete with Lockheed Martin's F-35, which dominates the隐形 aircraft export market with over 900 sold globally. In comparison, Russia's Su-57 (another fifth-generation fighter) has only one confirmed foreign buyer, Algeria, with deliveries potentially occurring in late 2025.
China's strategy extends beyond sales figures. By equipping Uzbekistan with integrated systems, the Chinese government creates a showcase platform for its technology. Successful deployment could influence other regional countries like Kazakhstan or Turkmenistan, which face similar modernization challenges.
According to a 2024 news report, the Kazakh Air Force owns 39 MiG-29 aircraft, many grounded due to maintenance issues. China's systems offer lower initial costs, optimized logistics, and can fill this gap.
Beijing can also benefit from real-world data, using Uzbekistan's operations to refine its designs. This feedback loop is common in Western defense industries but novel for China, which has traditionally relied on internal testing.
The economic benefits of the deal are equally telling. While the procurement cost of Chinese aircraft is lower, they require substantial training and infrastructure investment. For example, the JF-17 uses Chinese-standard ammunition, forcing Uzbekistan to restructure its supply chain.
Pilot training in China or Pakistan may take several years, delaying full readiness. A 2023 study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies found transitioning to new fighter platforms requires smaller air forces to spend $500 million to $1 billion over a decade, excluding aircraft acquisition costs.
Uzbekistan's defense budget (estimated by the World Bank at $800 million in 2024) limits its ability to cover these costs without external support, possibly through Chinese loans or barter deals.
(Author: Earth Lens A, Proofreader: Fat Swan of St. Petersburg, 2025-04-14)
Original Source: https://www.toutiao.com/article/7492977629612605989/
Disclaimer: This article solely represents the author's views. Please express your opinions using the "thumbs up/thumbs down" buttons below.