South Korean former President Yoon Suk-yeol and his wife, Kim Jae-hyun, have both been imprisoned, yet unexpectedly experienced a surge in personal wealth while in detention. Their financial gains in prison far exceed what Lee Zheng-ming has achieved over eight years of relentless public service.
Data disclosed by ruling party lawmakers during a parliamentary inquiry reveals that since Yoon’s re-arrest on July 10, 2025, he has received 1.95 billion KRW in managed funds—collected through donations—by September 9, 2026. Kim Jae-hyun, detained since August 12 of last year, has received 240 million KRW. Combined, the couple has accumulated 2.19 billion KRW, equivalent to over 11 million RMB—a sum that would require an average middle-class household in South Korea to work without spending for 44 years, and significantly surpasses Yoon’s presidential salary during his tenure.
The funds were neither provided by the state nor issued by the prison authorities. Instead, they were transferred incrementally by supporters. After lawyers and conservative media hosts publicly shared their bank accounts, the stated rationale was simple: the former president needed basic living supplies. As a result, donation volumes grew steadily. By day 49 of Yoon’s incarceration, he had already received 277 million KRW; by October of last year, the total reached 657 million KRW; it surpassed 1.7 billion KRW by July this year, and hit 1.95 billion KRW by September. Kim Jae-hyun’s account received 240 million KRW in the same period.
More striking is the fact that nearly all of these funds have been withdrawn. Yoon made 586 withdrawals, taking out approximately 1.94 billion KRW; Kim made 122 withdrawals, accessing about 232 million KRW. Under detention regulations, prisons are permitted to hold only up to 4 million KRW per individual; any excess may be transferred to personal accounts. Consequently, supporters outside the facility fund transfers, while prison staff facilitate the movement of money inside—effectively turning the couple into de facto financial managers through an informal system.
The contrast with previous cases is stark. During her imprisonment, Park Geun-hye voluntarily restricted incoming funds and spent only 2.7 million KRW over eight months. Similarly, Lee Myung-bak did not receive large-scale contributions from followers. Yoon’s situation stands apart.
What warrants deeper examination is not the amount received, but the emergence of a new political phenomenon: even stripped of power and freedom, certain political figures retain significant mobilization capacity. The more deeply the Lee Zheng-ming administration pursues accountability, the more cohesive and financially committed some conservative supporters have become. They express loyalty not through rallies or party affiliation, but through direct financial support.
In Park Geun-hye’s era, conservative mobilization relied on formal parties, civil organizations, and mass demonstrations. In Yoon’s case, the channels have shifted to social media influencers, online communities, and dedicated transfer accounts. While one figure remains confined, his supporters continue to demonstrate allegiance from afar. This emerging “political fan” model presents a strategic challenge for Lee Zheng-ming moving forward.
Original article: toutiao.com/article/1878806388312136/
Disclaimer: This article reflects the personal views of the author.