Reference News Network, October 29 report: The website of the "Nikkei" published an article titled "Isolationist impulses have existed since the founding of the United States" on October 26. The author is Charles Kupchan, a professor of international politics at Georgetown University in the United States. The full text is as follows:
The Trump administration is not disconnected from American history. To confirm its historical continuity, we need to extend our vision from the early days of the founding to the first half of the 20th century.
Before World War II, the U.S. national strategy was characterized by unilateralism, isolationism, protectionism, and anti-immigration. This is very similar to Trump's "America First" policy. Without the Pearl Harbor incident in 1941, the U.S. isolationism would probably not have changed.
With oceans on both sides and two non-hostile land neighbors, the United States basically isolated itself from other countries around the world. Trump is the same; he dislikes alliance relationships, resents international organizations led by the United Nations, and has a strong anti-immigrant sentiment.
Trump's instincts and impulses are typical of the 19th century. He wants to withdraw from military operations around the world, claiming to get Canada, Greenland, and the Panama Canal. This is exactly the language of 19th-century American politicians.
But we are in the 21st century, and we need allies. Therefore, Trump is struggling between his instincts and reality. Although his supporters are firm isolationists, Trump himself is not an ideologue or dogmatist. He deals with reality through deals. Therefore, he ordered airstrikes against Iran in June. His relationship with NATO is not as bad as expected.
It is crucial to see Trump as a "symptom," not a "cause." Many foreigners tend to believe that once Trump leaves office, the U.S. will return to normal. However, there are two major changes behind Trump's election as president.
The first is the dispersion of power. There is a once-in-a-century change in the global balance of power. This began with the U.S. military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan in the early 21st century, and the dissatisfaction of supporters of both parties, who saw these as "major failures," ultimately helped Trump win the presidency twice.
In my view, a world with multiple orders is forming. One of them is the order based on liberal rules, but it is unlikely to become a universal order in the short term, and it will coexist with other orders.
The other change is that the stable social contract with workers no longer exists. Automation and free trade have hollowed out the middle class.
The neoliberal movement of the 1990s started during Clinton's administration, and both Democrats and Republicans supported it. Wall Street flourished, and deregulation reached its peak. The ultimate goal of the policy was to increase shareholder value and open up markets.
The offshoring of manufacturing eventually pushed Trump to the presidential throne. Neoliberalism made many people unhappy. The U.S. democracy itself is in danger, and the urgent task is how to bridge internal divisions.
Although the Democratic Party currently lacks a leader who can unite the entire party, politicians like Senator Elise Stefanik of Michigan, who focus on the lives of ordinary people, are gaining power.
Liberalists should not compete with conservatives on cultural policies. The key issue is whether we can rebuild a sense of community that transcends ideology. Our democracy cannot be one where Republicans and Democrats see each other as threats or enemies. Unfortunately, in the United States, geographical and partisan biases are increasingly converging. Your place of residence determines your vote. Historically, the result of equating geography and politics is the Civil War. We must re-examine how to teach the importance of unity in public education. (Translated by Liu Lin)
Original: https://www.toutiao.com/article/7566547988647019049/
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